Mexico riot police clash with protesters in Oaxaca

Burning Calories And Rubber In The Heat Of Oaxaca

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The United States elevated a warning urging its citizens not to visit the town. Although Ruiz had repeatedly asked for federal forces to step in, the latest violence increased the pressure on him.

Mexican federal forces stand at the entrance of Oaxaca City, October 29, The demonstrations began with a teachers strike in May and escalated after police tried to break up a protest in June. Although local issues caused the crisis, the unrest has raised concerns it could spark unrest elsewhere in Mexico.

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Zapatista guerrillas called for a day of roadblocks across Mexico on November 1 in support of the protesters and threatened to stop traffic on highways in the southern state of Chiapas, where they launched a brief but bloody rebellion in On Sunday and Monday, riot police were sent to reopen main avenues blocked by protesters opposed to Ruiz in Mexico City. From Popular Rebellion to Workers Revolution: I — Break with the Popular Front! Left groups who talk today about a Oaxaca Commune claim that there is virtually a revolutionary situation in the state, if not in the country as a whole.

Such claims show, on the one hand, that their authors live in an imaginary dream world, having lost confidence in the revolutionary capacity of the actual proletariat; and, on the other hand, they have redefined i. The latter put on revolutionary airs in order to hide their own betrayals: All of history shows that the organizations of impoverished peasants and Indians, however democratic, in the absence of workers councils based in the big industrial centers, cannot lead a revolution.

The peasantry a contradictory petty-bourgeois layer and indigenous peoples an ethnic category do not have the social power and coherent class interest characteristic of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Like other intermediate strata, they tend to follow one or the other of the fundamental classes. Certainly, many of the present components of the APPO could be part of workers and peasants councils on a national scale, but these would not be a simple extension of the present Oaxacan organization.

A genuine — and not imaginary — Oaxaca Commune could not last in isolation. Only on a national level can a social revolution be begun, with a workers and peasants government that expropriates the bourgeoisie and extends the revolution internationally, above all to the United States. And not by chance: Throughout this time, it has also been noteworthy that the Zapatistas have not lifted a finger for the Oaxaca teachers.

Only after repression had been unleashed did he make a call for active solidarity with the Oaxaca struggle. What we are seeing is the unity in inaction of parliamentary and anti-parliamentary cretinism. The truth is rather the opposite — to the extent that the exploited and oppressed continue to be tied to sectors of the exploiters and oppressors in the name of the unity of the people, they will be defeated over and over.

The latter was installed as minister of defense of Salvador Allende, and a few months prior to the bloody coup of 11 September , Pinochet reviewed the troops [of the Chilean army] in the company of Fidel Castro.

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Burning Calories And Rubber In The Heat Of Oaxaca | The Expeditioner Travel Site.

Since the s, popular-frontism has led to disaster for the working people: As Trotsky wrote in the Transitional Program: In certain historical circumstances, such a bloc is capable of attracting the oppressed petty-bourgeois masses whose interests are close to the interests of the proletariat. The joint force of such a bloc can prove far stronger than the sum of the forces of each of its component parts. This law has already been verified by events. Given its lengthy and hard-fought nature, it is obvious that the struggle of the Oaxaca teachers is facing something more than a murderous governor.

The fact that Ruiz Ortiz has been able to hang on for so long, not giving in to the pressures of the other bourgeois parties and even to his own PRI, that he can get away with using the most heinous methods with apparent impunity, indicates that there are important forces backing him. However, such cases of corruption exist in practically every state in Mexico. There is a veritable oligarchic structure in the state which reproduces almost colonial relations between a white elite and the working population of Indian origin.

In the current rebellion in Oaxaca, the specific demand for autonomy for the indigenous peoples has played a lesser role, since demands have focused on the throwing out the murderer-governor. Trotskyists insist that neither the juridical recognition of Indian rights nor the ouster of the particular rulers, as justified as these demands are, will produce a radical shift in the miserable living conditions of the working people and poor Indians.

However, we do so not from a nationalist or patriotic standpoint, but as proletarian internationalists who seek the unity of the workers of the entire world, and particularly with our North American class brothers and sisters, in struggle against imperialism. Ten percent of all Mexicans now live on U. Trotskyists fight for a revolutionary Mexico to become part of a Socialist United States of Latin America, in conjunction with the formation of an alliance of North American workers states including Mexico, the U.

Police, teachers clash in Mexico's Oaxaca state

Only in this way can we tear down the wall of death being built along the U. The participation of Mexican workers in the United States in protests against the government of Ulises Ruiz has been a notable aspect of this struggle. Rather, it is part of an assault launched jointly by the main capitalist parties against the working people of Mexico.

Blemish - Burning Tour Oaxaca 28/02/2015

In order to extend the struggle nationally, in addition to breaking with the popular front of AMLO and the PRD, it is necessary to present a revolutionary program of transitional demands in defense of the working class of the entire country. Thus, in order to fight the massive unemployment which is pushing mass emigration, we fight for a sliding scale of wages and work hours , in order to divide up the available work among all those seeking it, with no loss in wages and protection against inflation. We propose a national strike against any attempt to privatize the energy industry electricity, oil , and to impose workers control in those industries in order to check the sabotage by the bosses government.

Amid this capitalist offensive against the working people in Oaxaca and the entire country, there is a burning need to prepare workers self-defense. Oaxacan strikers have shown that they know how to respond with creativity and intelligence to the multiple provocations and aggressions of the government, its cops, thugs and goons.

Mexico riot police clash with protesters in Oaxaca | Reuters

So how to prepare the defense? By forming workers defense committees , under the command of the mass organizations of the workers, who equip themselves as well as possible to protect the masses in struggle against the threat and in Oaxaca, the reality of generalized repression. Such workers defense committees could serve as the nuclei of future workers militias, as long as they maintain their independence from the bourgeois state and parties. It is no secret to anyone that Oaxaca abounds in armed groups, a direct consequence of the repressive PRI regimes.

Since , the government has sought to terrorize the rural areas of Oaxaca, particularly the region of Los Loxchica and the Mixteca, with its counterinsurgency campaigns. Up to now, the main guerrilla groups have kept their distance from the teachers strike and the APPO. On November 6, a conglomerate of small guerrilla groups that had split off from the EPR responded to the repression in Oaxaca by exploding some devices at various places in Mexico City.

The APPO quickly distanced itself from the actions. This is armed popular-frontism. Analyzing the Russian Revolution of , Leon Trotsky concluded that in semi-colonial countries and where pre-capitalist forms of production prevail, the bourgeoisie can no longer carry out the tasks of the great democratic revolutions of past centuries. Only under the leadership of the working class can we achieve democracy, carry out the agrarian revolution and win national liberation from the imperialist yoke, by establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat, supported by the peasantry, and extending the revolution.

This was the program of the victorious October Revolution of led by the Bolshevik Party under Lenin and Trotsky, which proclaimed the onset of international socialist revolution. Today there is a consensus among sectors of the PRD and various pseudo-socialist groups to call for a new constituent assembly in Mexico.

Although the liturgy differs slightly from one denomination to the other, it is evident that they are all singing from the same hymn book. All are calling for a new government that would be part of a bourgeois democratic regime. A democratic constituent assembly, whether it is called revolutionary or not, does not surpass the limits of capitalism. However, the duty of all Marxist revolutionaries is to explain to these valiant fighters that democracy for the workers, peasants and Indians can not be won without a socialist revolution which overthrows the system of capitalist exploitation.

Democracy for the bosses, for the rich, for the powerful, yes, but democracy for the poor, the landless, the workers, the poor peasants, Indians, homosexuals, women — there is no democracy for them. Only in this manner can the democratic revolutionary tasks be realized, by expropriating the capitalists, extending the revolution internationally and beginning socialist construction.

The mass strike in Oaxaca, now in its sixth month, represents the highest level of struggle by Mexican working people in several decades. The Grupo Internacionalista and the League for the Fourth International have sought to intervene around the struggle in Oaxaca in order to propagandize the Trotskyist program for cohering a revolutionary proletarian leadership, and to carry out actions of workers solidarity.

At the same time, comrades of the Grupo Internacionalista in Mexico traveled to Oaxaca, where they were constantly present over a period of two months. In Mexico, the Grupo Internacionalista has carried out intense activity around the struggle in Oaxaca during the months of September and October. The GI attended several meetings of Sections 9 and 10 of the SNTE-CNTE representing primary and secondary school teachers in the capital , calling on the teachers of the Federal District to undertake a strike against the then threat of large-scale repression in Oaxaca.

We initiated an assembly on September 13 at the CCH-Sur college preparatory school for sciences and humanities on Oaxaca, with several students present from the University of Oaxaca. On September 22, we went to a meeting of the Mexico City APPO to inform them about the protests in New York and Rio de Janeiro, and to fight for the perspective of a strike based on the working class to halt the repressive machinery of the capitalists.

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