The Reconstruction of the Church of Ireland: Bishop Bramhall and the Laudian Reforms, 1633–1641 (Cam

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The new laws of brought Ireland substantially into line with England and from certain angles even improved on the situation there. The breadth and precision of the legislation represented an attempt by Wentworth and Bramhall to address all of the main defects in ecclesiastical revenues. The hands both of bishops and of the laity were fairly well tied and the more enthusiastic among the clergy had the opportunity of turning the legislation to real advantage. See also Irish canon 35 of , Canons and constitutions ecclesiastical Dublin, Wentworth to the earl of Danby, 21 April , Knowler I, p.

Raising up the Church of Ireland 53 and better in design. Yet these statutes were still only one of the marks of favour shown to the church. Although the matter was formally referred to a committee of three bishops and three clerks, Bramhall himself had the petitions already drawn up. He also had accurate valuations of both crown and concealed appropriations which ensured that once the business was in train, it would not be buried by a long inquiry.

There was also another incentive to proceed with expedition. Wentworth to Laud, 9 December , Str P 6, p. Laud had feared that the moneys would then find their way into the hands of priests and friars: Laud to Wentworth, 12 January , WL 7, p. The petition, dated 15 January , is in Str P 6, p.

Invocations of lost or eroded power or property of the clerical estate were bound to be favourably entertained under Charles. Yet there was another note to strike in the Irish context. Piety, loyalty and civility — all elements of a vision of the Church of Ireland of coming with the gospel in one hand and English rule and manners in the other. The new strategy of building up the clerical estate first was now shrewdly couched in the language of reformation and evangelisation.

Being seen to take some of the sting out of a doctrinal defeat by delivering royal bounty was not only good as a general tactic but it also allowed Bramhall room for manoeuvre in his dealings with his fellow clergy.

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The accompanying petition to the lord deputy hammered home the point that the clergy would endeavour to make adequate compensation to the crown for such a generous grant. The snag was that the bulk of them were leased out and would fall in haphazardly over the next two to one hundred years. For this see Str P 6, pp. Raising up the Church of Ireland 55 of lay beneficence. The impropriations would be settled on vicars where they already existed and if there were only stipendiary curates, then a vicarage should be endowed.

These last measures were central to the whole purpose of the project because they laid the foundations for a resident clergy. In April , the king granted the petition and Wentworth had George Radcliffe draw up the documents with all possible speed. In addition, the income of the clergy was itself secured and protected from the laity, which would leave no excuse for non-residence.

The time was now ripe to press on with the main business of turning the church into a flourishing ally of the state. The chosen route was a prerogative so vigorous that it eventually lay open to the accusation of arbitrary government. The first phase, from his arrival until about the middle of , was highly visible and in keeping with his pose as the personification of reform. Bramhall later identified this as the key period when each public case caused twenty private settlements. Bramhall to Laud, 18 February , HA Wentworth was given permission to give the resumption statutory basis if there was time: Wentworth to Laud, 18 May , Str P 6, p.

Bramhall to Laud, January , Shirley, pp. Typically, Wentworth found a case which did just that in a very public way and offered a chance to niggle at Richard Boyle. Kerry, petitioned for arrears of his stipend due from the earl as impropriator. Most of the records of the Irish privy council from this period have been lost. An order book, consisting of about entries, survives for Between 6 May and 18 September , there were at least sixty-eight distinct matters dealt with or in process of hearing.

Of these, the largest single category consisted of twenty-three tithe cases. There were also eight cases involving vicars who were unable to secure possession of their benefices or where the impropriator failed to provide a sufficient stipend and five cases concerning the maintenance and repair of churches. Of the total of sixty-eight, eighteen were referred to Bramhall for investigation or composition most of these involved tithes as opposed to three to the justices of the peace and one to the diocesan — a reflection of the extent to which church affairs were supervised by him.

Business ranged from great matters such as pretended fee farms in Ferns and Leighlin and usurped episcopal lands in Clonfert, down to the blockading of carts of tithe corn and squabbles over the cost of repairs of small parish churches. Raising up the Church of Ireland 57 case where the plaintiff was a clergyman and where we know the verdict, the outcome was in his favour.

A petition presented by James Kian, vicar of Malahide, Co. Dublin, against one Patrick Strong for interfering with the collection of tithes reveals something about the way in which clergy were starting to respond to the encouragement that Wentworth had been so keen to give. It was the tack that Cork decided on in early when, after a successful prosecution by Arthur Gwyn again encouraged by Bramhall , the lord deputy presented the cleric to livings in Tipperary. Presentation without proven lapse not only created the desired atmosphere of rough justice but also released a whiff of arbitrary government.

By the end of March royal letters were issued forbidding appeal from the board in ecclesiastical causes.

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The Beresford case demonstrates that while most clergy loved the revenue, they hated the notoriety. Even Bramhall admitted it: The brusque manner in which it was rejected copperfastens the impression of overt partiality towards the church; see BL Harl. Wentworth to Laud, 10 March , Knowler I, pp. Wentworth to Laud, 9 December , Str P 6, pp. Laud to Wentworth, 27 March , WL 7, p. See Kearney, Strafford, ch. Bramhall to Laud, 1 April , Shirley, p.

They did this so completely that some statutes ended up with inappropriate references to York and Canterbury. Consequently, appellate jurisdiction caused problems for 1 2 3 Laud to Wentworth, 2 November , WL 6, pp. Meredith Hanmer Doctor in Divinity: The italics in the quotations are mine. Latin was authorised for all parishes. In , Henry Sidney used his authority to issue a set of twelve articles in conjunction with the bishops and High Commission.

Like their English counterparts, Irish ministers were expected to read and assent to them twice yearly as well as on first entry to a living. There is no indication that anyone was deprived or suspended for failure to do so. The only reason there were twelve articles in the Irish set is because the last exhortatory paragraph of the Eleven articles was turned into an article. English codes and confession for Ireland, — 61 In Trinity College Dublin, which had recently been granted a charter stressing its role in combating Catholic reformation and study on the continent, opened its doors to the first students.

Constitutionally modelled on Emmanuel College, Cambridge, Trinity aimed to produce a learned graduate clergy for service in the parishes. In this respect, the college was not successful.

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A special professorship of Theological Controversies was held successively by Ussher followed by Joshua Hoyle, who spent the bulk of their lectures on a detailed refutation of Bellarmine, between them pummelling the cardinal for a total of thirty-four years. Polemical works accounted for a large proportion of Dublin books in the first three decades of the seventeenth century.

He also shrewdly identified the fatal narrowing of curriculum which had deflected 10 13 14 15 11 Ford, Protestant, p. Anthony Milton, Catholic and reformed: He had to arrange for the purchase of a table, linen, cloths and utensils. This was more than an Irish version of the Prayer Book because his translation moved beyond bare liturgical provision to a particular vision of the church as by law established.

His rage argues his desperate estate, and the utter ruin of his kingdom. Bedell to Ward, 14 November , Tanner letters, p. Jones, The life and death of William Bedell , pp. Leabhar na nUrnaightheadh gComhchoidchiond Dublin, , sig. Bolton, The Caroline tradition of the Church of Ireland , p. English codes and confession for Ireland, — 63 Patrick. He omits the psalter of and also the ordinal.

If the Liber Precum Publicarum used after pushed in one direction, this pushed in the other. Both show the small but sometimes significant margin Ireland allowed in the reception of English reformation. Ireland had no tradition of convocation. In England convocations came to be called automatically with parliaments, whereas in Ireland the existence of a house of clerical proctors prevented the evolution of an analogous arrangement.

The articles compiled by the Church of Ireland in the first national convocation of —15 have often been regarded as the constitution of a spacious and flexible Protestant church. Beyond a transcription of the preamble to a bill for clerical subsidies, no contemporary records of the assembly survive. The later reformation Aldershot, , pp. TCD MS , pp. For two opposing views, see Ford, Protestant, pp. Contemporaries were themselves confused on this point.

Of the twentythree bishops only three were Scots, and of the approximately —8 members of the lower house it is unlikely that more than twenty to twenty-five were Scottish. These Irish articles were a mainstream Jacobean repointing of the structure. The Dublin assembly yoked together the last set of articles approved by bishops of the Church of England, the Lambeth articles, and most of the Thirty-Nine. The omission of English article 36 on the consecration of bishops and ordination of priests and deacons is frequently taken as a mark of the desire of Irish churchmen to preserve Protestant unity in the face of an obdurate Catholic mass.

But there are three English articles omitted in —32 on clerical marriage , article 35 on the Book of Homilies and article 36 itself. So, does the absence of article 32 indicate a concession to a pro-celibacy rump in the Church of Ireland? Highly unlikely, of course, which shows that the omissions might 26 27 28 29 in History of the Sabbath , p. Nicholas Bernard in his Judgement of the late Archbishop of Armagh , p. I wish to thank Gerald Bray for drawing this resemblance to my attention. For a breakdown, see Bray ed.

English codes and confession for Ireland, — 65 be viewed from a different angle. The absence of both articles 32 and 36, which are really more about the ordinal than ordination, might point to an uneasiness about set forms rather than to antipathy to hierarchy. The Irish church was not especially puritan because it sought to accommodate all shades; it was puritan because so many of its clergy, being English, were themselves puritan, reformed, godly, desirous of minimal conformity.

The Irish church simply did what many oathbound conformists in England would have done had they had the same margin for action. The kind of hindsight provided by the adoption of so many of the Irish articles by the divines has acted to further obscure the motives of the —15 clergy. Because of their undeniable significance the articles have often been treated as if they were the sole law binding the Church of Ireland. Ireland had no national canons until after —5 but it can be shown that the canons were used de facto as a standard of discipline. The royal Orders and Instructions of might have been widely ignored but they incorporated a number of the canons in their provisions.

James ordered that tables of fees be set up in ecclesiastical courts English canon , ruled on the use of the writ de excommunicato capiendo English canon 65 , gave guidelines on pluralities based on English canon 41 , and ordered that churchwardens should not be pressed to present more than twice a year English canon 30 31 32 Vesey, Athanasius Hibernicus , [p. His view is shared by Heylyn in Observations on the history.

Heylyn, Respondet Petrus , p. Of the remaining twenty-eight articles, all but eight make reference to, or are based on English canons. Even if they had no teeth, the very composition and publication of the Irish articles in was an important act, but it is very unlikely that a distinctive church settlement was on the minds of those who sat in Dublin. In short, they understood the Church of Ireland to be at heart a dependent church.

The existence of the 33 34 35 36 37 38 Marsh MS Z3. XXIII] articles given in charge to be inquired upon and presented too, by the churchwardens, side-men, quest-men, and inquisitors in every parish within the province of Ardmagh, STC 2nd edn The issue is STC 2nd edn I Woodbridge, , pp. These are as follows: EC 26; article 7: ECs 67, 68; article 8: EC 41; article 9: EC 14; article EC 46; article EC 59; article EC 77; article EC ; article ECs 82, 83, 85; article EC 28; article EC 62; article EC 13; article It is worth noting, too, the manner in which Irish article 91 on baptism Bray ed.

English codes and confession for Ireland, — 67 articles tempted some contemporaries and still tempts historians to see the Irish church as more elastic, but there is a likelihood that subscription to the English articles was, in fact, widespread. Added to that is the certain fact that a large number of clergy with Irish livings had commenced their careers in England after and so most came, as it were, pre-subscribed. A romantic view of Ireland as a nearby land of liberty only began to take off a decade after the publication of the Irish articles.

The theologically agitated English parliaments of and called for joint confirmation of the Irish alongside the Thirty-Nine. Any latitude allowed in Ireland was mostly a reflection of the latitude, that is, the cocktail of subscription and minimal ceremonial conformity, that prevailed in the Church of England. When conditions changed in England they also changed across the Irish Sea with the roughest of jolts. Gardiner, The constitutional documents of the puritan revolution —, 3rd edn Oxford, , p. I doubt much whether the clergy be very orthodox and could wish both the Articles and Canons of the Church of England were established here by Act of Parliament or State; yet as we live all under one king, so we might both in doctrine and discipline deserve an uniformity.

Wentworth, writing to Laud some months later, explicitly alluded not to the lack of uniformity but to the apparent expression of autonomy: Accounts of the convocation have tended to focus on the English articles as the main event and downgrade the drive to canonical uniformity to an epilogue or, at best, a mildly successful counter-attack on the part of Ussher and the Church of Ireland. Vesey, Athanasius Hibernicus [p.

Wentworth to Laud, 5 May , Str P 6, p. English codes and confession for Ireland, — 69 set of church reforms were an essential and significant counterpart to the articles, and fundamental to the drive for temporal reform: His examination of the state of the Irish church was carried out with a decidedly canonical eye. Churches were in use as stables, dwelling houses and tennis courts.

In Christchurch, where he was shortly to become treasurer: This was a programmatic response to Irish affairs and the first item was reform of the establishment. The first, a strict direction to: See Knowler I, p. His emphasis on the Prayer Book is unsurprising but within it lay a desire to begin the repair of the Church of Ireland by working explicitly on what it had in common with the Church of England. Davies, Caroline captivity, p.

Wentworth to Laud, 30 June , Str P 6, p. Laud to Wentworth, 23 June , WL 7, p. Laud to Wentworth, 12 April , WL 7, p. English codes and confession for Ireland, — 71 the prospect of engaging in a reform of Irish manners. In the private and frank correspondence of Laud and Wentworth, the canons are important in themselves and not just, as they have often been viewed, as a vehicle, through canon 1, for the imposition of the Thirty-Nine articles.

Convocation was initially agitated by the Irish articles of , but in the preceding months discipline and order had been the essence of official strategy for Ireland. On 21 June , or just over a month before Wentworth arrived, the communion table at Christchurch was set up altarwise. Christchurch was just a start and Laud wished to see the directions extended to every cathedral. Macinnes, Charles I, pp. Kneeling for communion was also commanded. The ten commandments taken down to make way. Laud, for his part, remained firmly outraged at the insult to the altar. The lord deputy judged the removal of the tomb a crucial prelude to motivating the two Boyle bishops to inform against their kinsman over his land deals.

Wentworth claimed that these had been written by Cork himself and approached Ussher to try to dissuade him from any further act of support. It is very likely that Ussher was highly affronted by this dual ticking off and viewed it as a slight on his primatial dignity. Wentworth to Laud, 18 March , Str P 6, p. Ussher to Laud, c. Sancroft MS 18, p. He had already been dean of Christchurch and archdeacon of Meath. Ussher to Laud, 30 April , Bodl. MS Sancroft 18, p. English codes and confession for Ireland, — 73 the provostship.

Wentworth not only supplanted Ussher with Bramhall but he even misrepresented him to Laud. Wentworth appears to have understood the Irish articles as an altered version of the English ones: All of the remaining evidence is to be found in the correspondence of Laud, Wentworth, Ussher and Bramhall.

He related that on 2 August, the last day of the session, there had been a bid to have the Irish articles confirmed along with the English a mere two hours after they had been proposed to a thinly attended 88 89 90 91 92 93 TCD MS , p. Bernard, The life of Ussher, p. The subsidy was four shillings in the pound: While we know that Bramhall kept Laud abreast of Irish church affairs, there is no instance of him being commissioned by Laud to do anything let alone enter into highly important negotiations without consulting the lord deputy.

Ussher knew what was in the wind from before the start of the convocation and it is reasonable to assume that he spent the time beforehand considering ways to protect the Irish articles. He was optimistic about easy success on the confessional side and so had gone on to draw up the heads of several canons for Irish conditions which had been approved by Ussher.

He could not afford, even if he wanted, to become embroiled in open conflict on Irish articles. Opposition in convocation had most likely accepted that the Thirty-Nine would be authorised for Ireland but aimed to give the confession equal status. Wentworth also hinted that Bramhall and Croxton were under considerable pressure in their respective houses during a first session of delicate skirmishing, in which Ussher gradually dropped his pretence of acquiescence but avoided a clash.

The second council of Cashel, —2: Given the delicate state of the Commons, none wished this more fervently than the lord deputy. Wentworth to Laud, 1 October , Str P 6, p. It also allowed Laud, if he chose, to argue that there had been no procedural irregularities or interference on his part.

He was also careful to tell Charles about the strategy of having the English articles received without affirmation or denial of the Irish confession. The deceptive calm soon came to an end. Furthermore, he alleged that Canterbury favoured Arminians. His outburst gives an impression of how the church campaign was affecting sections of Irish clerical opinion for whom college and the articles were key expressions of identity. But upon our meeting again this session he seems to be more diffident, pretending that he finds this Lower House of convocation more averse than he imagined, that they pressure the Articles of Ireland; so as I fear I shall be forced to speak loud amongst them.

Bramhall was more circumspect and tended to support Andrews. Laud to Wentworth, 20 October , WL 6, pp. Laud to Wentworth, 31 October , WL 7, p. English codes and confession for Ireland, — 77 The action had shifted to the clergy house in a bid to push the Irish articles through by pressure from below. There were two good motivations for this. Firstly, any apparent opposition to the Thirty-Nine articles would be politically suicidal for an archbishop of Armagh.

Secondly, he too wished to avoid a public and potentially corrosive conflict. In fact, Wentworth had completed his last manoeuvre against the Old English on 27 November so his energies were not as fully engaged during the final days of the session. Bramhall, for his part, contended that it was he who had alerted Wentworth to the danger in convocation and, given the speed with which the latter acted on 9 and 10 December, this is likely. The proposed Irish canon gave the articles equal status. Wentworth to Laud, 16 December , Knowler I, p.

At length I got a little time, and that most happily too, informed myself of the state of affairs. Whosoever shall hereafter affirm, that any of the nine and thirty articles agreed upon by the archbishops and bishops of both provinces, and the whole clergy, in the convocation holden at London in the year of our lord God MDLXII for the avoiding of diversities of opinions, and for the establishing of consent touching true religion are in any part superstitious or erroneous, or such as he may not with a good conscience subscribe unto; let him be excommunicated ipso facto, and not restored, but only by the Canon 5, Those which shall affirm any of the articles agreed upon by the clergy of Ireland at Dublin , or any of the 39 concluded of in the convocation at London and received by the convocation at Dublin to be in any part superstitious, or such as may not with a good conscience be received and allowed, shall be excommunicated and not restored but only by the archbishop.

And therefore if any hereafter shall affirm that any of these articles are Constitutions and canons ecclesiastical Dublin, delivered therein; upon refusal of the correction of his error, he shall be deprived of his ecclesiastical benefices as he doth enjoy. They are most likely by Laud: The comment on the draft Irish canon reads: This canon was more than a defence of the Irish articles: He hauled George Andrews, the chairman of the committee, before him and proceeded to examine the annotated canons with dramatic anger. The next morning, Ussher, Anthony Martin of Meath, Bedell, John Leslie of Raphoe, Bramhall and Henry Leslie as prolocutor of the lower house and the other members of the committee were summoned to appear before him.

Reception of the English articles alone would be put to the house. There would be a straight ballot, without debate, and each vote recorded by name. In order to avoid any query and to give Ussher a rap on the knuckles the primate was instructed to draft a canon which, when inspected by Wentworth, would then be sent to the prolocutor. Internally, Bramhall, Croxton and others worked for the viceroy and, externally, it had no willing friends.

For both of these reasons Wentworth had no need to invoke any particular powers and, like Henry Sidney before him, he simply acted in person as chief governor. I told him certainly not a dean of Limerick but an Ananias had been there in spirit, if not in body, with all the fraternities and conventicles of Amsterdam. Like Boyle, Ussher was not meant to become a focus for opposition.

His standing in England meant any controversy would have more than domestic implications. If no dire offence was given, the cautious primate would hold his peace. For pressure on Laud to have his letter, see Knowler II, p. Even when the latter said there was no need of one — WL 7, p. There may have been, despite all the posturing, some small final concession to take a fully English gloss off canon 1. The letter to the prolocutor was dispatched on the afternoon of 10 December and was put first to the bishops, where it carried unanimously.

The clergy recorded one or two negative votes. Next he alerted the lord deputy to the danger. Bramhall collapsed all of the committee activity into one terse sentence: Writing about this around , Bramhall claimed: Heylyn, Cyprianus Anglicus, p. Belfast, , p. Bramhall, however, impugned neither convocation nor primate and pointed the finger at an unnamed faction as the irritant. While Wentworth lambasted Andrews and suggested he be given Ferns and Leighlin without any commendams as a punishment, Bramhall was much more moderate.

When writing about it all in , Bramhall was far less circumspect. In fact, Bramhall had just steered a motion through convocation for a petition for the restoration of royal impropriations: Bramhall probably also felt it was not his place to criticise Ussher. In explaining this, Laud made a crucial distinction: By mid February Bramhall was embroiled once more. English codes and confession for Ireland, — 85 Here was an important difference in perception between Bramhall and his opponents. For him, any discrete Irish canons would merely allow for the specifics of the Irish situation, but the overall thrust of legislation would establish and even improve on the English standard — this was his principle of congruence.

His adversaries were motivated partly by what had happened before Christmas and partly by a sense of a distinctiveness which was of recent vintage. Wentworth got the message. In his next letter to Laud he acknowledged the desirability of a full set of English canons but added: Ussher appears to have hoped for a revival in the old spirit of cooperation since he had broached writing to Laud on the subject of canons.

Laud to Bramhall, 4 March , HA Wentworth to Laud, 10 March , Knowler I, p. Wentworth was sure to gratify Canterbury with altars at the east end, or sacramentalised confession, but had to concede defeat on bowing to the name of Jesus. This works nicely for a narrative in which the Westminster assembly is all the more triumphant because its harbingers — Lambeth and Ireland — were rejected or suppressed.

Ussher may well have had theological anxieties in —5, but he was also undoubtedly concerned with possible implications for the primatial status he had so assiduously cultivated over the previous decade. See also Bernard, Judgement , p. John Vesey claimed to have been given an account of the convocation by Thomas Price, then archbishop of Cashel, who had been the archdeacon of Kilmore in —5.

Vesey, Athanasius Hibernicus, [pp. English codes and confession for Ireland, — 87 On 21 March James Ussher received his letters patent making him archbishop of Armagh and primate of all Ireland. The first two reformation archbishops had been of intermittent conformity, recognised by crown and pope. In addition, until the plantation of Ulster, the diocese continued to be divided inter anglicos and inter hibernicos, thus reducing the authority and income of the archbishops.

C, Subsidia, 8 Vatican City, , pp. He commissioned Ussher to write a treatise on the archbishops of Armagh: It was called in twice, in July and again in February ; Bulkeley finally surrendered it in April, Cal. All that remained was to secure the primacy irrevocably to Armagh. While Charles had directed lord deputy Falkland to determine the question in , nothing happened until June when Wentworth summoned Ussher and Bulkeley to appear before the board. Ussher also put much energy into reorganising the cathedral chapter in Armagh itself, Cal.

He also used the cathedral for the consecration of bishops for the first time in living memory: Ussher seized every opportunity to further enhance the dignity of the primacy. This entailed the archbishop of Armagh taking precedency: See also BW V, p. Ussher to Laud, 20 August , Bodl. If Ussher was angry, even somewhat alienated, on account of his treatment in winter and spring it was in a good part because he felt he had not been treated as a co-equal primate of a national church.

He strongly defended the claim of the kings of England to the dominion of Ireland independent of any papal authority. This may well be De antiquitate Britannicae ecclesiae et privilegiis ecclesiae Cantaurensis cum archiepiscopus eiusdem 70 which as Anthony Milton points out in Catholic and reformed, p.

Ussher never rejected the English articles. See also UWW I, p. It seems likely that he saw the Irish articles as a more perfect explanation of the English. Yet the Irish articles were bound up with his belief in the Church of Ireland as the true successor of the church of Patrick. See also Philip Schaff, The creeds of Christendom , pp.

Ussher, Discourse, sig A3r.

Author Corner

Milton, Catholic and reformed, p. In defeat, he ended by taking comfort in a variant of the position he had initially rejected: But for the manifesting of our agreement with the Church of England, we have received and approved your articles also. One is that of scholarly exile to prepare for Immanuel and Antiquities of the British churches Another is of angry retreat, a protest against what had happened in convocation and his gradual eclipse by Bramhall.

This point has been discussed in J. In an undated letter, Ward had this to say to Bramhall on the subject of canons: Buick Knox, Ussher, pp. English codes and confession for Ireland, — 91 So while Laud urged Wentworth to cooperate with Ussher, he still had periodic misgivings. I must needs answer, No. Long absences in Drogheda spoke for themselves especially at a time when much was being asked of a freshly endowed and heavily supported episcopate. Even before convocation was over, Ussher was attacking James Croxton for preaching Arminianism.

Laud to Wentworth, 15 November , WL 6, p. His library was in Drogheda but he may have been thinking of a shift because in he petitioned to have a garden around a newly purchased house in Rathfarnham: Dublin —95 , vol. In the garden he had built a study at a good distance from the main house in order to work undisturbed; see William Brereton, Travels in the United Provinces, England, Scotland and Ireland, ed.

Edward Hawkins , p. Wentworth to Laud, 14 July , Str P 6, p. When a vacancy arose for a baron of the exchequer, Ussher petitioned on behalf of his brother-in-law, William Hilton, one-time judge of the prerogative court. This man had earlier been targeted as the exemplar of all that was corrupt about Irish officials. I have a brother in law not altogether unknown unto your honour. While Wentworth and Laud were at pains to keep up an appearance of general amity, they privately acknowledged that the Irish primate was prickly and alienated.

Bramhall was strictly enjoined to show all due respect. Laud complained a number of his letters went unanswered. Ussher to Wentworth, 5 January , Str P 20, p. Wentworth to Laud, 2 November , Str P 6, pp.

Laud to Wentworth, 30 November , WL 7, p. Ussher to Laud, 4 January , Bodl. Laud to Wentworth, 8 September , WL 7, pp. English codes and confession for Ireland, — 93 gleefully seized, with deliberate exaggeration, on something which offered further proof of the disunity of the established church. Overall English canons became Irish — thirty English canons were dropped entirely and there were seven uniquely Irish canons. Twenty Irish canons incorporated anything from two to four of the English ones.

The Irish book also betrays some signs of haste. Irish canon 49 on marriage licences repeats English canon with only a small addition , beginning: The problem is that this is a reference to English canon which concerns licences to marry without banns and the security to be provided for the issue of the licences , but that canon was dropped from the Irish code, making the start of Irish canon 49 a nonsense. The alterations made to the book were far more than the raggedness of a deal worked out in a hurry. In their final form the Irish canons were the product of a clash between Bramhall, trying not only to ensure the greatest conformity with England but also to target specific Irish abuses Nicholas Bernard, Clavi trabales , p.

Unlike the official Latin version of the and canons, the Irish canons seem to have been only in English: I would like to thank Gerald Bray for drawing this to my attention and for his generosity in allowing me see the drafts of his book Anglican canons prior to its publication. English canons 5, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 44, 55, 62, Eleven of the twenty-nine English canons were eventually omitted in the range ECs 72— A closer examination of the Irish canons offers further insight into the dynamics of the convocation as well as the reconstruction project.

The geography of O'Hanmerech's annals is consistent with the foundation of Dominican houses in Ireland. Near the start we have entries relating to the O'Brien kings of Munster who, for instance, founded the Dominican friary at Limerick in His successor Godfrey O'Donnell draws the ire of Odo's pen. While no reference is made to Strongbow, the death of his son, William Marshal the younger, founder of the Dominican friary at Kilkenny, is mentioned.

In addition, the lord justice, Maurice Fitzgerald, protector and benefactor of the friars preachers at Sligo, is referred to at some length. Entries about the death or election of bishops and archbishops proliferate, interspersed with historical events of general interest. Obits for the three Dominican friars elected archbishop of Armagh in the thirteenth century are included. As is often the case with the compilation of annals for this period, the years assigned to events, 'where these are mentioned in other sources are often a year or two out of step'.

This may be explained by the fact that Sir James Ware made extracts from larger originals. As a means of comparison, many entries relevant to the Dominican order are found in the Annals of Connacht, but not those of Odo O'Hanmerech. O'Hanmerech casts an impartial eye over the deeds of Anglo-Norman and Irish alike. He seems to take a dim view, for instance, of the killing of O'Dowd by his own grandson in , immediately before reporting on the construction of the castle and bridge by the English bishop at Athlone in the next entry.

In , we read also that Finin MacCarthy, king of Desmond, was slain 'by the treachery and fraud of his own native people. In common with other Ware manuscripts, this work is bound in dark-brown sheepskin and stamped with gilt arms of Sir James Ware on the covers. The armorial bookplates are, however, from the eighteenth century. Sir James Ware was a senior state official, born in Dublin in His father, Sir James Ware senior, came to Ireland in , held office as auditor general and built up a landed estate.

Ussher, as well as being a professor at Trinity, served as Protestant bishop of Meath before his appointment in the established state church as archbishop of Armagh.

Wishing to prove the primacy of the Protestant Church in Ireland, he and Ware initiated new historical studies by which Irish Protestant antiquarians came to identify with Gaelic culture. Reflecting his interest in the succession of the Irish bishops, as seen in these annals, he published a history of the archbishops of Cashel and Tuam in to which he appended a history of the Cistercian Order in Ireland.

Two years later, Ware brought to print a record of the dioceses of Leinster. In , he made his first visit to England, undertaking research in several libraries and later, while working at the Bodleian, Ware was made a doctor of civil law. Throughout his career as a public servant, Sir James Ware remained resolutely royalist in political outlook. Ware dedicated two of his published works to Wentworth in and , the first of which consisted of historical accounts of Ireland by Campion, Hanmer and Spenser.

This made an immediate impression, leading to Geoffrey Keating's Foras Feasa, termed by Bernadette Cunningham 'a refutation of all that Spenser represented. Better known as the Antiquitates , this is regarded as the most noteworthy of Ware's works in print. According to William O'Sullivan, biographical lists of clergy are still partly dependent on Ware's work, while 'his notebooks and manuscripts remain of first importance for the study of medieval Ireland. At the Restoration in , Ware returned to Ireland where he once more took up his post as auditor-general.

He died at his family home in Dublin six years later. After the death of his wife, Mary, Ware was survived by four of their ten children. The collection of these annals by Sir James Ware dates from the period when the first attempts were being made to construct a history of Ireland. They clearly illustrate the type of material that was available both for that purpose and for the use of those who should desire to influence contemporary policy by the appeal to history.

Between and , Ware listed a number of new manuscripts which he had recently consulted. The Dominican Annals of Roscommon do not appear here either. This leads to another question that is, from who did Ware borrow the original manuscript? Comparing the contents of entries with those of the Annals of Connacht indicates a close connection between the two sources after the year Ware was conscious of the importance of Irish records. A few remarks about Ware's methods are appropriate here. His note to 'The other side of ye roll' indicates that the exemplar was written on vellum. Reflecting the costly price of paper in the early seventeenth century, Ware wrote on both sides of each page.

The text is written in a single hand with marginal notes added by another scribe, evidently from the pen of Sir James Ware's copyist. He may have updated the spelling of names and certainly did so with his spelling of 'O'Conner'. Occasionally, for those engaged in the study of manuscripts in the seventeenth century, content was central whereas the written form was peripheral. Ware regularly abbreviated names. The exemplar appears to have been loaned to him without recourse to other manuscript material.

He states on the opening page, 'I have these Annales in an auncient MS. This is clear from the hastiness with which he wrote and the fact that the entries become increasingly brief on detail. In contrast to other annals and chronicles in Ware's collection, the entries for these specific annals do not occur in any of his other manuscripts.

Ware's manuscript collection has an intriguing history. After his death in , they passed into the hands of his son, Robert Ware. Later, in the possession of Henry Hyde, 2nd earl of Clarendon, lord lieutenant of Ireland, they became known as the Clarendon manuscripts before subsequently appearing in the hands of James Brydges, 1st duke of Chandos.

Had this happened, to quote the manuscript scholar Robin Flower , 'all those invaluable materials for Irish history now scattered between Dublin, London and Oxford some portions being irretrievably lost on the way would have been united, to the great convenience of students, under one roof.

Ware's collection offers an abundance of ecclesiastical, especially monastic, antiquities. In the case of these annals, they became part of a working library which Ware drew upon. There are 'few topics in Irish history on which some note or extract is not to be found'. Here we find reference to the spearhead, a cubit in length which, according to Odo O'Hanmerech , was found when the River Galvia dried up in the year For the most part, Ware's collection consists of transcripts of documents rather than original manuscripts.

The Dominican Priory, Roscommon , where they were written, remains a visible sign of our heritage. Once hidden, these annals and their heritage prove that a good story can be shared and endures forever. Toirdelach o Breen regnum reliquit rex Momoniae facto voto religionis obiit, cui 45 successit ei in regno Moriertach filius euis.

Roddericus o Connor profligabit Dermitium m ac Morrogh et fugabit eum in Angliam. Maur itius o Dubhair primas Abbas Buellii in monasterio ejus in Christo quievit. Interficitur Cormac Lianach 46 eodem anno. Midia devastatur de Athlone usque Drogheda propter guerram Saxonum. Obiit Gelasius Archiep iscop us Armar chanus.

Occiditur Connor o Kelly p er Connor Monmioga Rodoric us o Conner reliquit regnum sua sponte Concouri 48 filio suo. Joannes filius r egis Angliae venit in Hib er nia et interim rediit in Angliam.

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