The trechery of their King, who with eight more were slaine, and they all returned to England againe the same yeare with Sir Francis Drake. The Observations of Master Heriot. Of their commodities, victuall, fruits, beasts, fishes, and foules. Their Religion, and beliefe of God, of the Creation of the world, and man; the immortalitie of the soule; the subtiltie of their Priests; the peoples simplicitie, and desire of salvation; and other Accidents. Sir Richard Greenvill sent to supply them. Not finding them, left fiftie. Master White sent to relieve them, found they were all slaine, yet left Returning the second time, he could not heare of them; his Observations and Accidents.
The discovery of Captaine Waymouth; his Observations, Relations, and returne. A Map of the old Virginia, with the figures of the Salvages. This appears to be a notice to the binder to insert the map of Ould Virginia after p. Of things growing Naturally, as woods, fruits, gummes, berries, herbs, roots; also of beasts, birds, and fishes; how they divide the yeare, prepare their ground, plant their corne, and use it, and other victuall. What commodities may be had by industry. The description of the people, their numbers, constitutions, dispositions, attyre, buildings, lodgings and gardens, their usage of children, striking of fire, making their Bowes and Arrowes, knives, swords, targets, and boats: Consultations and order in Warres.
Their musicke, entertainment, trade, Physicke, Chirurgery and Charmes. Their Religion, God, burials ordinary and extraordinary, Temples, Priests, Ornaments, solemnities, Conjurations, Altars, sacrifices, black boyes, and resurrection. The manner of their government, their Emperor; his attendants, watch, treasury, wives, successors and authority: And a Mappe of the Countrey of Virginia now planted. The Salvages assault the Fort, the ships returne, their names were left, 3 occasion of sicknes, plenty unexpected, the building of James Towne, the beginning of Trade, two projects to abandon the Country.
Their first attempts upon the Salvages. Captaine Smith taken prisoner; their order of Triumph, and how he should have beene executed, was preserved, saved James towne from being surprised, how they Conjured him. Powhatan entertained him, would have slaine him; how Pocahontas his daughter saved him, and sent him to James Towne. The third plot to abandon the Countrey suppressed. Their first Supply and Accidents. The Salvages opinion of our God. James Towne rebuilt, with a Church and Store-house; The Salvages plot to murther all the English; their insolencies suppressed.
Different opinions among the Councell. The discovery of the Bay of Chisapeack. Their fight and conference with the Kuskarawaoks; Ambuscadoes prevented in the river Patawomek; A mine like Antimony. How to deale with the Salvages. Smith neare killed with a Stingray. With many other Accidents in the discovery.
A needlesse misery at James towne redressed. The second Voyage to discover the Bay. Their Incounter with the Massawomekes and Tockwhoghs; the Sasquesahanoughs offer subjection to the English. The exceeding love of the Salvage Mosco. Their fight with the Rapahanocks; their fight with the Manahokes. The King of Hassaninga's brother taken prisoner; his relation of those mountaines; peace concluded with all those Nations.
The discovery of the river Payankatank; their fight with the Nandsamunds, and Chisapeacks; their returne to James town. The Presidency surrendred to Captaine Smith. The discovery of the Monacans; a punishment for swearing; the Chickahamanians forced to Contribution; the abuses of the Mariners; Master Scriveners voyage to Werowocomoco.
Captaine Smiths Relation to England of the estate of the Colony: Nandsamund forced to Contribution. The first Marriage in Virginia. Captaine Smiths journey to Pamaunkee. The discovery of the Chawwonocks. Smiths discourse to Powhatan; His reply and flattery; and his discourse of Peace and Warre. Powhatans plot to murther Smith, discovered by his daughter Pocahontas. Their escape at Pamaunkee. The Dutch-men deceive Captaine Winne, and arme the Salvages; sixteene English beset by seven hundred Salvages, Smith takes their King Opechankanough prisoner; the Salvages excuse and reconcilement.
Master Scrivener and others drowned; Master Wiffins desperate journey to Pamaunkee; Powhatan constraines his men again to be trecherous; he is forced to fraught their Ship; Smith poysoned; the Dutch-mens trechery. The Dutch-mens plot to murther Smith. He taketh the King of Paspahegh prisoner, and others; they become all subject to the English. A Salvage smoothered, yet recovered; three or foure Salvages slaine in drying stolne 4 powder. Great extremity occasioned by ratts; Bread made of dryed Sturgeon; the punishment for loyterers; the discovery of the Mangoags.
Captaine Argals first arrivall; the inconveniences in a Plantation. The government altered; the arrivall of the third Supply; mutinies; Nandsamund planted; breach of peace with the Salvages; Powhatans chiefe seat bought for Copper; Mutinies. Captaine Smith blowne up with Gun-powder; a bloudy intent; the causes why he left the Country and his Commission; his returne for England; the ends of the Dutch-men.
Certaine Verses of seaven Gentlemen. How the mutiners proceeded; the Salvages revolt; the planting point Com- fort. Them at Nandsamund, and the Fals, defeated by the Salvages. Captaine Ratliff, with thirtie slaine by Powhatan. The fruits of improvidence. The arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates. The arrivall of the Lord La Warre; their actions, and both their returnes. The government left to Captaine Percie; and his proceedings. The arrivall of Sir Thomas Dale, and his actions.
Dales voyage to Pamaunkee. The marriage of Pocahontas to Master Rolfe. Articles of Peace with the Salvages. The government left to Sir Thomas Dale. Captaine Argals voyage to port Royall. Master Hamers to Powhatan; and their Accidents.
The manner of the Lottery. A Spanish Shippe in Virginia. Dale with Pocahontas comes for England. Captain Yerley left Deputy Governour; his warres and peace with the Chickahamanians, and proceedings. A relation to Queene Anne of the quality and condition of Pocahontas; how the Queen entertained her; Captaine Argall sent governor; the death of Powhatan; ten English slaine; Argals accidents and proceedings. The Lord de la Warre sent againe governour; his death. A relation of their present estates. Sir George Yerley sent governor; Waraskoyack planted.
A parliament in Virginia; foure Corporations appointed; the adventures of Captaine Ward; the number of ships and men sent this yeare; gifts given; Patents granted. A desperate Sea fight by Captaine Chester with two Spanish men of warre; the names of the Adventurers. A relation of their estates by Master Stockam.
The arrivall of Sir Francis Wyat with nine ships. Master Gockings plantation; and their accidents; the number of ships and men sent this yeare; gifts given, Patents granted. Master Pories journeyes to Pawtuxunt, and other places, with his accidents. Captaine Each sent to build Forts and Barks. The cause and manner of the Massacre; the numbers slaine; the providence of Captaine Nuse; Captaine Chroshaw his voyage to Patowomek.
Captaine Smiths offer to the Company to suppresse the Salvages. Their answer; the manner of the Sallery; Chroshaw stayes at Patawomek; the escape of Waters and his wife. Captaine Hamar goes to Patawomek; Chroshaws plot for all their preservations.
Captaine Madison sent to Patawomek. Captaine Powell kils three Salvages. Sir George Yerleys journey to Acomack. The misery of Captaine Nuse. The kindness of the King of Patawomek; a vile policy of a Salvage; Madisons mischiefe unto the Patawomeks. It was not well don to make Opechankanough drinke healths. The opinion of Captaine Smith how to subject the Salvages. The arrivall of Captaine Butler in Virginia, and other Accidents.
The losse of Captaine Spilman and A particular of such necessaries as are fit for private persons or families. The 7 questions the right Worthie Commissioners demanded, and his answers; how the King hath pleased to take it into his consideration. At this present two ships are going; more a preparing; new Commissions sent. Note that there is no mention of the missing pages , or of sig.
A proclamation on tobacco, in fact, was urged by the House of Commons and the commissioners for Virginia, but none is known before that of Sept. Somers returne to the Isles; his death, and Epitaph, the accidents hapned; three men lived there alone two yeares. Master More sent to make a plantation. A peece of Amber Greece found of Their first Supply; a strange increase of Potatoes. The attempt of 2. Spanish ships; a great mortality; a strange being of Ravens; a new Supply, with their Accidents, and Moores returne.
The rent 3 of the six governours; a wonderfull accident of Hilliard, not much lesse then a miracle. The government of Captaine Tuckar; Assises; the strange adventure of 5 men in a boat; plants from the West Indies; the endevours of Captaine Powell; Assises. The Country neer devoured with ratts; their strange confusion. The divisions of the Isles into Tribes, and Tribes into shares, by Master Norwood; the names of the adventurers, and their shares. The first Magazin; two exployts of desperate fugitives. The returne of Captaine Tuckar. Captaine Kendall left deputy-governor, and their Accidents.
The government of Captaine Butler; A platforme burnt, and much hurt by a Hericano.
The refortifying the Kings Castle. The arrivall of two Dutch Frigots. The reformation of their lawes and officers. Their acts; their opinion of the Magazin. The building three Bridges. The generall Assises; A strange deliverance of a Spanish wracke. A strange Sodomy; many Ordnances got from wracks. Master Barnard sent to be governour; his arrivall, death, and funerall, with the proceedings of Master Harrison his successor, and Captaine Woodhouse their governor.
Again, this seems to be a notice to the binder to insert the Bermuda engravings after p. On comparison with the Broadside, it is evident that Smith assembled much of his material after Nevertheless, the last page and a half of Bk. V had to be padded with poetry again from the Description of N. VI could begin on a right-hand page. Captain Smiths first voyage; what peace and warres he had with the Salvages, and within 6. A Table of the old names and the new. Captaine Hobsons voyage to Capawuk; the Londoners apprehend it.
The description of the Country. Staple Commodities; present proofe of the healthfulnesse of the clime. Observations of the Hollanders chiefe trade. Examples of the altitude comparatively; the reasons why to plant it. An example of the gaines every yeare; a description of Of their Kings, rivers, harbors, Isles, mountains, landmarks, fruits, woods, birds, fishes, beasts, etc. Captaine Smiths second voyage; his ship neere foundered in the Sea; He reimbarketh himselfe; incountreth the English Pyrats; fought with the French Pyrates; is betrayed by 4. French men of warre; how he was released; his men ran from him with ship and all; how he lived with the French men; what fights they had, what prizes they tooke; the French mens ingratitude.
The yearely trialls of New-England; the benefit of fishing, as Master Dee, and divers report, and approoved by the Hollanders Records; how it becomes so well apprehended, that more then A Plantation in New-England; their first landing; divers journeys and accidents; the description of the harbors, bayes, lakes, and that place they inhabit, called New-Plimouth; conference with the Salvages; and kinde usage of the King of the Massasoyts; a strange policie of Tusquantum.
The Salvages make warres for their friendships; the English revenge their friends injuries. They lived two yeares without Supplyes; the death of Tusquantum; they contrive to murther the English; how the English did cure a King sicke to death; two most desperate Salvages; the courage of Captaine Standish; the Salvages sue for peace, pag.
A most remarkable observation of Gods love. The effects of shipping; the Popes order for the East and West Indies. How to build a little navy royall, contention for New-England. The necessitie of martiall power. The charge to set forth a ship of a The facilitie of the fishing lately observed. Their present estate at New-Plimouth, and order of government. To render word for word to every Author. Once more, we appear to have a notice instructing the binder where to insert the map of New England.
It is worth noting in this book that the Contents parallel the Broadside only to the year Although Smith had much of the material in , it is obvious that it was not in order in time for the Broadside. This seemingly irrelevant couplet is the first of a series of epigrammatic illustrations that Smith borrowed from Bishop Martin Fotherby, Atheomastix; clearing foure truthes, against atheists and infidels London, , a folio volume of nearly pages. These do not adhere strictly to Fotherby's original, but the alterations are minor.
For a full discussion, see Philip L.
Here the borrowing is from Atheomastix , sig. B6 r , from Horace, De Arte Poetica. It is not one of those specifically analyzed in the study in question. The Chronicles of Wales report, that Madock, sonne to Owen Guineth, Prince of Wales seeing his two brethren at debate who should inherit, prepared certaine Ships, with men and munition, and left his Country to seeke adventures by Sea: Returning home and relating what pleasant and fruitfull Countries he had seene without Inhabitants, and for what barren ground his brethren and kindred did murther one another, he provided a number of Ships, and got with him such men and women as were desirous to live in quietnesse, that arrived with him in this new Land in the yeare Left many of his people there and returned for more.
But where this place was no History can show. The Spanyards say Hanno a Prince of Carthage was the first: But we finde by Records, Cullumbus offered his service in the yeare John and Sebastian well provided, setting sayle, ranged a great part of this unknowne world, in the yeare For though Cullumbus had found certaine Iles, it was Now Americus came a long time after, though the whole Continent to this day is called America after his name, yet Sebastian Cabot discovered much more then them all, for he sayled to about forty degrees Southward of the lyne, and to sixty-seaven towards the North: Being very aged King Edward the sixt gave him a Pention of 1.
By his directions Sir Hugh Willowby was sent to finde out the Country of Russia, but the next yeare he was found frozen to death in his Ship, and all his Company. Master Martin Frobisher was sent in the yeare Sir Humphrey Gilbert a worthy Knight attempted a Plantation in some of those parts: Yet when he was provided with a Navy able to incounter a Kings power, even here at home they fell in divisions, and so into confusion, that they gave over the Designe ere it was begun, notwithstanding all this losse, his undanted spirit began againe, but his Fleet fell with New-found land, and he perished in his returne, as at large you may read in the third Volume of the English Voyages, written by Master Hackluit.
Upon all those Relations and inducements, Sir Walter Raleigh, a noble Gentleman, and then in great esteeme, undertooke to send to discover to the Southward. And though his occasions and other imployments were such he could not goe himselfe, yet he procured her Majesties Letters Pattents, and perswaded many worthy Knights and Gentlemen to adventure with him to finde a place fit for a Plantation. The most famous, renowned, and ever worthy of all memory, for her courage, learning, judgement, and vertue, Queene Elizabeth, granted her Letters Patents to Sir Walter Raleigh for the discovering and planting new Lands and Countries, not actually possessed by any Christians.
This Patenty 3 got to be his assistants Sir Richard Grenvell the valiant, Master William Sanderson a great friend to all such noble and worthy actions, and divers other Gentlemen and Marchants, who with all speede provided two small Barkes well furnished with all necessaries, under the command of Captaine Philip Amidas and Captaine Barlow.
The second of July they fell with the coast of Florida in shoule water, where they felt 6 a most dilicate sweete smell, though they saw no land, which ere long they espied, thinking it the Continent: The first that appeared, with much difficulty they entred, and anchored, and after thankes to God they went to view the next Land adjoyning to take possession of it for the Queenes most excellent Majestie: We passed by the Sea-side towards the tops of the next hills being not high: Discharging our Muskets, such a flocke of Cranes, the most white, arose by us, with such a cry as if an Army of men had shouted altogether.
This Ile hath many goodly Woods, and Deere, Conies, and Foule in incredible abundance, and using the Authors owne phrase, the Woods are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscovia, or Hercinia, barren and fruitlesse, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, bettering them of the Assores, Indies, or Libanus: Pynes, Cypres, Saxefras, the Lentisk that beareth Mastick, and many other of excellent smell and qualitie.
The Ile of Wokokon. In Lybanus are not many. Conference with a Salvage. The next day came divers Boats, and in one of them the Kings Brother, with forty or fifty men, proper people, and in their behaviour very civill; his name was Granganameo, the King is called Wingina, the Country Wingandacoa. Leaving his Boats a little from our Ships, he came with his trayne to the poynt: Though we came to him well armed, he made signes to us to sit downe without any shew of feare, stroking his head and brest, and also ours, to expresse his love.
After he had made a long speech unto us, we presented him with divers toyes, 4 which he kindly accepted. He was greatly regarded by his people, for none of them did sit, nor speake a word, but foure, on whom we bestowed presents also, but he tooke all from them, making signes all things did belong to him. The Arrivall of the Kings brother. The King himselfe in a conflict with a King his next neighbour and mortall enemy, was shot in two places through the body, and the thigh, yet recovered: A day or two after shewing them what we had, Granganameo taking most liking to a Pewter 2 dish, made a hole in it, hung it about his necke for a brest-plate: Much other trucke we had, and after two dayes he came aboord, and did eate and drinke with us very merrily.
Not long after he brought his wife and children, they were but of meane stature, but well favoured and very bashfull; she had a long coat of Leather, and about her privities a peece of the same, about her forehead a band of white Corrall, and so had her husband, in her eares were bracelets of pearle, hanging downe to her middle, of the bignesse of great Pease; the rest of the women had Pendants of Copper, and the Noblemen five or sixe in an eare; his apparrell as his wives, onely the women weare their haire long on both sides, and the men but on one; they are of colour yellow, but their hayre is blacke, yet we saw children that had very fayre Chesnut coloured hayre.
Trade with the Salvages.
After that these women had beene here with us, there came downe from all parts great store of people, with Leather, Corrall, and divers kinde of dyes, 3 but when Granganameo was present, none durst trade but himselfe, and them that wore red Copper on their heads, as he did. When ever he came, he would signifie by so many fires he came with so many boats, that we might know his strength. Their Boats are but one great tree, which is but burnt in the forme of a trough with gins 4 and fire, till it be as they would have it.
For an armour he would have ingaged us a bagge of pearle, but we refused, as not regarding it, that wee might the better learn where it grew. He was very just of his promise, for oft we trusted him, and he would come within his 5 day to keepe his word. He sent us commonly every day a brace of Bucks, Conies, Hares, and fish, sometimes Mellons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Pease, and divers rootes.
This Author sayth, their corne groweth three times in five moneths; in May they sow, in July reape; in June they sow, in August reape; in July sow, in August 1 reape. We put some of our Pease in the ground, which in ten dayes were The soyle is most plentifull, sweete, wholesome, and fruitfull of all other, there are about After this acquaintance, my selfe with seaven more went twenty myle into the River Occam, that runneth toward the Cittie Skicoack, and the evening following we came to an Ile called Roanoak, from the harbour where we entred 7.
When we came towards it, the wife of Granganameo came running out to meete us, her husband was absent commanding her people to draw our Boat ashore for beating on the billowes, 3 other she appoynted to carry us on their backes aland, others to bring our Ores into the house for stealing. The great courtesie of a Woman. After we had thus dryed our selves, she brought us into an Inner roome, where she set on the bord standing a long the house somewhat like frumentie, 6 sodden 7 venison, and rosted fish; in like manner mellons raw, boyled rootes and fruites of divers kindes. There drinke is commonly water boyled with Ginger, 8 sometimes with Saxefras, and wholsome herbes, but whilest the Grape lasteth they drinke wine.
In this feasting house was their Idoll of whom they tould us uncredible things. When we were at meate two or three of her men came amongst us with their Bowes and Arrowes, which caused us to take our armes in hand. She perceiving our distrust, caused their Bowes and Arrowes to be broken, and they beaten out of the gate: Though there was no cause of doubt, we would not adventure: Beyond this Ile is the maine land and the great river Occam, on which standeth a Towne called Pomeiock, and six dayes higher, their City Skicoak: Into this river falleth an other called Cipo, 3 where is found many Mustells 4 wherein are Pearles: Skicoac a great towne.
Adjoyning to Secotan beginneth the country Pomouik, belonging to the King called Piamacum, in the Country Nusiok upon the great river Neus. These have mortall warres with Wingina, King of Wingandacoa. Betwixt Piemacum and the Lord of Secotan, a peace was concluded: Beyond Roanoak are many Isles full of fruits and other Naturall increases, with many Townes a long the side of the Continent. Those Iles lye And in this sea are Iles of divers bignesses, but to get into it, you have but 3.
Though this you see for most part be but the relations of Salvages, because it is the first, I thought it not amisse to remember them as they are written by them that returned and arived in England about the middest of September the same yeare. This discovery was so welcome into England that it pleased her Majestie to call this Country of Wingandacoa, Virginia, by which name now you are to understand how it was planted, disolved, renued, and enlarged, Pomouik. How the Country was called Virginia.
The Generall victualed for 8. At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a silver Cup, wherefore we burnt the Towne and spoyled their corne, so returned to our fleete at Wocokon. Our Generall in his way home tooke a rich loaden ship of Sir Richard Grenvils, voyage. These were left under the command of Master Ralph Layne to inhabite the Country, but they returned within a yeare.
With divers others to the number of Touching the most remarkeable things of the Country and our proceeding from the The passage from thence was thought a broad sound within the maine, being without kenning 4 of land, yet full of flats and shoulds that our Pinnasse could not passe, and we had but one boat with 4. To the Northward; our farthest was to a Towne of the Chesapeacks, 1 from Roanoack The passage is very shallow and dangerous by reason of the breadth of the sound and the little succour for a storme, but this teritory being There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances 2 as the Mangoacks, Trypaniks and Opposians, which came to visit us.
To the northwest our farthest was Chawonock from Roanoack The townes by the way by the water, are Passaquenock the womens towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok; from Muscamunge wee enter the river and jurisdiction of Chawonock, there it beginneth to straiten, and at Chawonock it is as Thames at Lambeth: The King is lame, but hath more understanding then all the rest. The river of Moratoc is more famous then all the rest, and openeth into the sound of Weapomeiok, and where there is but a very small currant in Chawonock, it hath so strong a currant from the Southwest, as we doubted how to row against it.
Strange things they report of the head of this river, and of Moratoc it selfe, a principall towne on it, and is thirtie or fortie dayes Journey to the head. This lame King is called Menatonon. When I had him prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. This king was at Chawonock two yeares agoe to trade with blacke pearle, his worst sort whereof I had a rope, but they were naught; 1 but that King he sayth hath store of white, and had trafficke with white men, 2 for whom he reserved them; he promised me guides to him, but advised me to goe strong, 3 for he was unwilling strangers should come in his Country, for his Country is populous and valiant men.
If a supply had come in Aprill, I resolved to have sent a small Barke to the Northward to have found it, whilest I with small Boates and Very neare unto it is the river of Moratoc, directly from the West, the head of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke, which standeth so neare the Sea, that in stormes the Sea beats over it into this fresh spring, that of it selfe at the surse 4 is a violent streame.
I intended with two Wherries and fortie persons to have Menatonons sonne for guide, to try this presently, till I could meete with some of the Moratocks, or Mangoaks, but hoping of getting more victuall from the Salvages, we as narrowly escaped starving in that Discovery as ever men did. For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina 5 upon the death of his brother Granganameo, had given both the Chawonests, and Mangoaks word of my purpose: But being thus farre on my journey I gave my Company to understand we were onely drawne forth upon these vaine hopes by the Salvages to bring us to confusion: The discovery of the river Moratoc.
Though I did forsee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had to see the Mangoaks was, for that there is a province called Chaunis Temoatan, frequented by them and well knowne to all those Countries, where is a mine of Copper they call Wassador; 2 they say they take it out of a river that falleth swiftly from high rocks in shallow water, in great Bowles, covered with leather, leaving a part open to receive the mettall, which by the change of the colour of the water where the spout falleth, they suddainly chop downe, and have the Bowle full, which they cast into the fire, it presently melteth, and doth yeeld in five parts at the first melting two parts mettall for three of Ore.
The Mangoaks have such plenty of it, they beautifie their houses with great plates thereof: The strange Mine of Chaunis Temoatan. Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guids to this mettall Country; by Land to the Mangoaks is but one dayes journey, but seaven by water, which made me so willing to have met them for some assay of this mettall: After our two dayes journey, and our victuals spent, in the evening we heard some call as we thought Manteo, 4 who was with me in the boat; this made us glad, he made them a friendly answer, which they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he told us they came to fight.
Presently they did let flie their Arrowes about the boat, but did no hurt, the other boat scouring the shore we landed: So the next morning we returned to the mouth of the river, that cost us foure dayes rowing up, and here our dogs pottage stood us in good stead, for we had nothing els: I conclude a good Mine, or the South sea will make this Country quickly inhabited, and so for pleasure and profit comparable with any in the world: Provided there be found a better harbour then yet there is, which must be Northward if there be any.
ENSENORE a Salvage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had after the death of Granganimeo, when I was in those Discoveries, could not prevaile any thing with the King from destroying us, that all this time God had preserved, by his good counsell to the King to be friendly unto us.
Pemissapan thinking as the brute 3 was in this last journey we were slaine and starved, began to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not defend us, so that old Ensenore had no more credit for us: But in the beginning of this brute, when they saw us all returne, the report false, and had Manteo, and three Salvages more with us, how little we esteemed all the people we met, and feared neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had brought their greatest Kings sonne 4 prisoner with us to Roanock: But that which wrought the most feare among them was the handy-worke of Almightie God.
For certaine dayes after my returne, Menatonon sent messengers to me with Pearle, and Okisco King of Weopomeoke, to yeeld himselfe servant to the Queene of England. Okisco with twenty-foure of his principall men came to Pemissapan to acknowledge this dutie and subjection, and would performe it. All which so changed the heart of Pemissapan, that upon the advise of Ensenore, when we were ready to famish they came and made us wires, and planted their fields they intended to abandon we not having one corne till the next harvest to sustaine us.
This being done our old friend Ensenore dyed the twenty of Aprill, then all our enemies wrought with Pemissapan to put in practise his devises, which he easily imbraced, though they had planted corne by us, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from us. Yet they got Okisco our tributary to get seven or eight hundred and the Mandoages with the Chisapeans should doe the like to meete as their custome is to solemnize the Funerall of Ensenore. Halfe of whom should lye hid, to cut off the straglers, seeking crabs and provision: Twenty of the principall of Pemissapans men had charge in the night to beset my house, put fire in the Reeds that covered it, which might cause me run out so naked and amazed, they might without danger knocke out my braines.
The same order for Master Heriots, and the rest: In the meane time they should sell us nothing, and in the night spoyle our wires, to make necessitie disperse us. For if we were but ten together, a hundred of them would not meddle with us. So our famine increased, I was forced to send Captaine Stafford to Croatan, with twentie to feed himselfe, and see if he could espie any sayle passe the coast; Master Predeox with ten to Hatarask upon the same occasion: The death of a most rare Salvage. Pemissapan sequestring himselfe, I should not importune him for victuall, and to draw his troupes, found not the Chawonests 2 so forward as he expected, being a people more faithfull and powerfull, and desired our friendships, and was offended with him for raising such tales, and all his projects were revealed to me by Skico my prisoner; who finding himselfe as well used by me, as Pemissapan tould me all.
These troubles caused me send to Pemissapan, to put suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to Croatan to meete a Fleete came to me, though I knew no such matter: He sent me word he would come himselfe to Roanock; but delaying time eight dayes that all his men were there to be assembled, not liking so much company, I resolved the next day to goe visit him, but first to give them in the Ile a Canvisado, 1 and at an instant to seaze on all their Canows about the Ile.
But the towne tooke the Alarum before I ment it. For when I sent to take the Canows, he met one going from the shore, overthrew her and cut off two Salvages heads; whereupon the cry arose, being by their spyes perceived: Upon this they to their Bowes, and we to our Armes: The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack, and sent Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and tooke him in my way to complaine Osocon would have stole my prisoner Skico.
Hereupon he did abide my comming, and being among eight of the principallest, I gave the watchword to my men, and immediately they had that they purposed for us. Himselfe being shot through with a Pistoll fell downe as dead, but presently start up and ran away from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him over the buttocks, where they tooke him and cut off his head. Pemissapan slaine and 8. Seaven dayes after Captaine Stafford sent to me he descryed twentie-three Sayle. The next day came to me himselfe of whom I must say this, from the first to the last, he neither spared labour, or perill by land or sea, fayre weather, or foule, to performe any serious service committed to him.
He brought me a letter from Sir Francis Drake, 3 whose generous mind offered to supply all my defects, of shipping, boats, munition, victuall, clothes, and men to further this action: A most generous courtesie of Sir Francis Drake. Notwithstanding, the storme ceasing, the Generall appointed me a ship of Yet they durst not undertake to bring her into the harbour, but she must ride in the road, leaving the care of the rest to my selfe, advising me to consider with my Company what was fittest, and with my best speed returne him answer. Hereupon calling my Company together, who were all as privy of the Generals offer as my selfe; their whole request was, in regard of all those former miseries, and no hope of the returne of Sir Richard Grenvill, and with a generall consent, they desired me to urge him, we might all goe with him for England in his Fleete; for whose reliefe in that storme he had sustained more perill of wrack, then in all his honorable actions against his enemies.
So with prayses to God we set sayle in June Least that's here thus projected for thy good; By thee rejected be, ere understood. Let those briefes suffice, because I would not trouble you with one thing twice. For Dyes, Showmack , 1 the herbe Wasebur , 2 little rootes called Chapacor , 3 and the barke of a tree called by the Inhabitants Tango- mockonominge , 4 which are for divers sorts of Reds. What more then is related is an herbe in Dutch called Melden , described like an Orange, 5 growing foure foote high; the seede will make good broth, and the stalke burnt to ashes makes a kinde of Salt: Of their Tobacco we found plenty, which they esteeme their chiefe Physicke.
Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China roots; 6 they grow in clusters, and bring forth a bryer stalke, but the leafe is far unlike, which will climbe up to the top of the highest tree: Cassavia 7 growes in Marishes, which the Indians oft use for bread and broth. Habascon is like a Parsnip, naught of it selfe, except compounded: Saquenuckot and Maquowoc , two kinde of beasts, greater then Conies, and very good meate; in some places such plenty of gray Conies, like hayres, 9 that all the people make them mantels of their skins. I have the names of There is plentie of Sturgeon in February, March, Aprill, and May; all Herings in abundance; some such as ours, but the most part of Their woods are such as ours in England for the most part, except Rakeock , 4 a great sweet tree, whereof they make their Canowes: Their Clothing, Townes, Houses, Warres, Arts, Tooles, handy crafts, and educations, are much like them in that part of Virginia we now inhabite: Some Religion they have, which although it be farre from the truth, yet being as it is there is hope it may be the easier reformed.
They beleeve there are many gods which they call Mantoac , 6 but of different sorts and degrees. Also that there is one chiefe God that hath beene from all eternitie, who as they say when he purposed first to make the world, made first other gods of a principall order, to be as instruments to be used in the Creation and government to follow: And after the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, as pettie gods; and the instruments of the other order more principall. First they say were made waters, out of which by the gods were made all diversitie of creatures that are visible or invisible.
How the world was made. For mankinde they say a Woman was made first, which by the working of one of the gods conceived and brought forth children; and so they had their beginning, but how many yeares or ages since they know not; having no Records but onely Tradition from Father to sonne. How man was made. They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and there fore represent them by Images in the formes of men; which they call Kewasowok: The common sort thinke them also gods.
How they use their gods. They beleeve the immortalitie of the Soule, when life departing from the body, according to the good or bad workes it hath done, it is carried up to the Tabernacles of the gods, to perpetuall happinesse, or to Popogusso , a great pit: To confirme this they told me of two men that had beene lately dead, and re- vived againe; the one hapned but few yeares before our comming into the country; of a bad man, which being dead and buried, the next day the earth over him being seene to move, was taken up, who told them his soule was very neare entering into Popogusso , had not one of the gods saved him and gave him leave to returne againe, to teach his friends what they should doe to avoyd such torment.
The other hapned the same yeare we were there, but sixtie myles from us, which they told me for news, that one being dead, buried, and taken up as the first, shewed, that although his body had layne dead in the grave, yet his soule lived, and had travailed far in a long broad way, on both sides whereof grew more sweet, fayre, and delicate trees and fruits, then ever he had seene before; at length he came to most brave 3 and fayre houses, neare which he met his Father, that was dead long agoe, who gave him charge to goe backe, to shew his friends what good there was to doe, to injoy the pleasures of that place; which when hee had done hee should come againe.
Two men risen from death. What subtiltie so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests; this opinion worketh so much in the common sort, that they have great respect to their Governours: Yet they have divers sorts of punishments according to the offence, according to the greatnesse of the fact. And this is the sum of their Religion, which I learned by having speciall familiaritie with their Priests, wherein they were not so sure grounded, nor gave such credit, but through conversing with us, they were brought into great doubts of their owne, and no small admiration of ours: The subtiltie of their Priests.
In all places where I came, I did my best to make his immortall glory knowne. And I told them, although the Bible I shewed them, contained all; yet of it selfe, it was not of any such vertue as I thought they did conceive. Notwithstanding many would be glad to touch it, to kisse, and imbrace it, to hold it to their breasts, and heads, and stroke all their body over with it. The King Wingina 2 where we dwelt; would oft be with us at Prayer. Twice he was exceeding sicke and like to dye. And doubting of any helpe from his Priests, thinking he was in such danger for offending us and our God, sent for some of us to pray, and be a meanes to our God, he might live with him after death.
And so did many other in the like case. One other strange Accident 3 leaving others will I mention before I end, which mooved the whole Country that either knew or heard of us, to have us in wonderfull admiration. Their desire of salvation. There was no Towne where they had practised any villany against us we leaving it unpunished, because we sought by all possible meanes to winne them by gentlenes but within a few dayes after our departure, they began to dye; in some Townes twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in one an hundred and twenty, which was very many in respect of their numbers.
And this hapned in no place we could learn but where we had bin, where they had used some practise to betray us. And this disease was so strange, they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it; nor had they knowne the like time out of minde; a thing specially observed by us, as also by themselves, in so much that some of them who were our friends, especially Wingina, had observed such effects in foure or five Townes, that they were perswaded it was the worke of God through our meanes: And thereupon, when they had any understanding, that any of their enemies abused us in our Journeyes, they would intreat us, we would be a meanes to our God, that they, as the others that had dealt ill with us, might dye in like sort: This marveilous Accident in all the Country wrought so strange opinions of us, that they could not tell whether to thinke us gods or men.
And the rather that all the space of their sicknesse, there was no man of ours knowne to die, or much sicke. They noted also we had no women, nor cared for any of theirs: Some would Prophesie there were more of our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their places. Those that were to come after us they imagined to be in the ayre, yet invisible and without bodies: To confirme this, their Physicians to excuse their Ignorance in curing the disease, would make the simple people beleeve, that the strings of bloud they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the strings wherein the invisible bullets were tyed, and cast.
Some thought we shot them our selves from the place where we dwelt, and killed the people that had offended us, as we listed, how farre distant soever. And others said it was the speciall worke of God for our sakes, as we had cause in some sort to thinke no lesse, whatsoever some doe, or may imagine to the contrary; especially some Astrologers by the eclipse of the Sunne we saw that yeare before our Voyage, and by a Comet 1 which began to appeare but a few dayes before the sicknesse began: These their opinions I have set downe, that you may see there is hope to imbrace the truth, and honor, obey, feare and love us, by good dealing and government: The best neverthelesse in this, as in all actions besides, is to be indevoured and hoped; and of the worst that may happen, notice to be taken with consideration; and as much as may be eschewed; the better to allure them hereafter to Civilitie and Christianitie.
Written by Thomas Heriot, one of the Voyage. IN the yeare of our Lord Sir Walter Raleigh and his Associates prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraughted plentifully of all things necessary: Who not finding the aforesaid ship according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes of the Collony there seated, and left by him as is said Sir Richard Grenvill left fiftie men. Where many began strangely to discant of those crosse beginnings, and him; which caused me remember an old saying of Euripides. WE went the old course by the west Indies, and Simon Ferdinando our continuall Pilot mistaking Virginia for Cape Fear, we fayled not much to have beene cast away, upon the conceit of our all-knowing Ferdinando, had it not beene prevented by the vigilancy of Captaine Stafford.
We came to Hatorask the But we found nothing but the bones of a man, and where the Plantation had beene, the houses unhurt, but overgrowne with weeds, and the Fort defaced, which much perplexed us. Master White his Voyages. By the History it seemes Simon Ferdinando did what he could to bring this voyage to confusion; but yet they all arrived at Hatorask. They repayred the old houses at Roanock, and Master George How, one of the Councell, stragling abroad, was slaine by the Salvages. They at first made shew to fight, but when they heard Manteo, they threw away their Armes, and were friends, and desired there might be a token given to be knowne by, least 4 we might hurt them by misprision, as the yeare before one had bin by Master Layne, that was ever their friend, and there present yet lame.
One of the Councell slaine. The next day we had conference with them concerning the people of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatan to see if they would accept our friendship, and renew our old acquaintance: We also understood that Master Howe was slaine by the men of Wingina, of Dassamonpeack: First they intruded themselves among 11 of them by friendship, one they slew, the rest retyring to their houses, they set them on fire, that our men with what came next to hand were forced to make their passage among them; where one of them was shot in the mouth, and presently dyed, and a Salvage slaine by him.
On both sides more were hurt; but our men retyring to the water side, got their boat, and ere they had rowed a quarter of a myle towards Hatorask, they tooke up foure of their fellowes, gathering Crabs and Oysters: So taking our leaves of the Croatans, we came to our Fleet at Hatorask. How the fiftie men were slaine. Wherefore about midnight, with Captaine Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof Manteo was one, for our guide, that behaved himselfe towards us as a most faithfull English man he set forward.
The next day by breake of day we landed, and got beyond their houses, where seeing them sit by the fire we assaulted them. The miserable soules amazed fled into the Reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to have beene fully revenged, but we were deceived, for they were our friends come from Croatan to gather their corne, because they understood our enemies were fled after the death of Master How, and left all behinde them for the birds.
But they had like to have payd too deare for it, had we not chanced upon a Weroances wife, with a childe at her backe, and a Salvage that knew Captaine Stafford, that ran to him calling him by his name. Being thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit we found ripe, left the rest unspoyled, and tooke Menatonon his wife with her childe, and the rest with us to Roanoak.
Though this mistake grieved Manteo, yet he imputed it to their own folly, because they had not kept promise to come to the governor at the day appointed. And the 18 th , Ellinor the Governours daughter, and wife to Ananias Dare, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak; which being the first Christian there borne, was called Virginia. A child borne in Virginia. Our ships being ready to depart, such a storme arose, as the Admirall was forced to cut her Cables: At this time Controversies did grow betwixt our Governour and the Assistants, about choosing one 2 of them Which though he did what he could to excuse it, yet their importunitie would not cease till he undertooke it, and had it under all their hands how unwilling he was, but that necessity and reason did doubly constraine him.
At their setting sayle for England, waighing Anchor, twelve of the men in the flyboat were throwne from the Capstern, by the breaking of a barre, and most of them so hurt, that some never recovered it. The second time they had the like fortune, being but With divers others to the number of about After we had done some exployts in those parts, the third of August wee fell with the low sandy Iles westward of Wokokon. But by reason of ill weather it was the II, ere we could Anchor there; and on the The next morning we prepared againe for Roanoack.
Captaine Spicer had then sent his Boat ashore for water, so it was ten of the Clocke ere we put from the ships, which rode two myles from the shore. The Admirals boat, being a myle before the other, as she passed the bar, a sea broke into the boat and filled her halfe full of water: The boat thus tossed up and downe Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung there till they were drowne; but 4. Thus of eleven, seven of the chiefest were drowned. This so discomfited all the Saylers, we had much to do to get them any more to seeke further for the Planters, but by their Captaines forwardnes at last they fitted themselves againe for Hatorask in 2 boats, with It was late ere we arrived, but seeing a fire through the woods, we sounded a Trumpet, but no answer could we heare.
The next morning we went to it, but could see nothing but the grasse, and some rotten trees burning. We went up and downe the Ile, and at last found three faire Romane Letters carved CRO which presently we knew to signifie the place where I should find them, according to a secret note 1 betweene them and me: Books will be free of page markings.
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