O du mein Niederrhein (German Edition)

O du mein Niederrhein

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Schumann taught English privately, and there was a French instructor. On one of these occasions, the young Schlegel recited his own history of German literature in hexameters. We have no evidence at this stage: It was set, as German universities then were, at a suitable distance from the royal or ducal residence, to keep student rowdiness at bay: He was later to marry her. As it was, he was inscribed as a student of theology, 83 moving gradually and decisively over into philology and philosophy.

It was a small town 8, , its numbers swollen by students. If its professors were guaranteed greater freedom of opinion in teaching than elsewhere, there was also a care for public morals. But that was only one side. It had some international flair, with its contingents of English, Russian or French students, British royal princes among them: There had of course been German scholars who were independent of the university, Winckelmann or Lessing or Herder among them, but they formed part of this wider confraternity nevertheless.

Foreign language fiction

This involved sheer expertise, be it linguistic, textual, archaeological, as those later formidable reviews of Winckelmann, Grimm and Niebuhr testify and which some waspish comments in the earliest reviews from his student years already demonstrated , but also the requisites of good style.

The smooth, elegant prose, with just the right touch of emotion, that carried along his Nibelungenlied lecture in Berlin is written by the same man who laboriously collated antiquarian notes and sources on the identical epic.

With little evidence of anything but a studious boyhood and youth, it comes as a relief to read in letters a little later of a walking tour in the Harz including the ascent of the Brocken , or of riding part of the way home when accompanying a student friend. Just the sort of thing that this Romantic generation, force-fed on books, was prone to writing. But he had taken his lodgings in the town, where he had a good view of the gardens and the hills beyond; he had even heard a nightingale. Nature was however never enough: He had presented the letter of recommendation that his father had written to the great Heyne, but even the son of Johann Adolf Schlegel must earn his place in the Seminarium Philologicum and serve a trial period of six months.

He certainly proved himself worthy. Privately educated, he was for the first time free of the tutor who shadowed him. There is no record of Schlegel having met Alexander von Humboldt, the other near-contemporary, whom he was to single out for praise and admiration and whose explorations were a model for his later studies on the origins of humanity.

He had had to sort out the incomplete work of two predecessors, and there had been inconsistencies to surmount. All had not gone well. In a letter to a Mr Hutton whether the famous geologist James Hutton is not clear , Zimmermann explained why. Mr Hutton did not take the hint.

There is heavy reliance on Strabo as an external source. What strikes us is his early interest in the origins and movements of peoples, their overlaps and admixtures. Who were the Pelasgians or the Scythians?

What was the status in the Mediterranean of the Phoenicians and Egyptians and Libyans? When in he was supplicating for a doctorate honoris causa from Jena university and for the right to lecture there, he cited De geographia Homerica in support of his application. As well he might. Goethe had advanced, they rather less, although Voss was to be a highly innovative translator of Homer to whom Goethe in the s was much indebted.

There was much here that was congenial to the young Schlegel. The other side was unfortunate—or unedifying—depending on how one looked at it. His life seemed to be one set of contradictions. Everyone knew about these irregularities; gossipy letters between friends made sure of that. Heyne did what he could on the university front, and it was not much. Help from outside was not forthcoming. Goethe showed the stiff, glacial ministerial aspect that he adopted when it suited him: What then came was even worse.

The word, once spoken, the association once hinted at, was enough. Schlegel noted this life-and-works definition. It made him wary of Schiller, but also of the hagiography practised in his own day: We need to note the term Musenalmanach. Under its various guises—and these can be Taschenbuch , Taschenkalender , Blumenlese— it was essentially an anthology of what was best and most entertaining or edifying by way of poetic production in a given year.

It took short poems—the Muses preferred these—and in the variety that the later eighteenth century and the early nineteenth found so agreeable. Everybody had a go at it. It was the title that Schlegel and Ludwig Tieck chose for their miscellany of , which was also a Romantic memorial to the early dead. As late as the s, Schlegel was joined by a younger generation of poets when he published satirical verse in periodicals still calling themselves Musenalmanach.

None of these qualities alone, not even their totality, necessarily makes a good poet. No-one was ever going to call Schlegel that; a competent one perhaps, a correct one, a learned one— these are the qualities that spring to mind.

They are also useful ones for the translator, who needs to rise above the limited store of his own poetic inspiration. Although he did not yet know it, this was to be his forte. The sonnet was a very different proposition altogether. It had once enjoyed a vogue in the seventeenth century, but critical opinion early in the eighteenth century inimical to the baroque style had ensured its virtual disappearance from the assortment of available lyrical forms there were hardly any by Johann Adolf Schlegel and his contemporaries.

Both master and pupil only ever used the Petrarchan model: That would change when he himself became a professor, but in the Kant-charged atmosphere of the university in Jena. As a critic, he was prepared to take on anything, however obscure—or however well-known. It also meant making use of one connections: Between these, Boie the editor inserted an account of the French Revolution. Schlegel would have an opportunity to observe the ever-widening circles of the Revolution after his departure for Holland the following Easter. In the manner of the young, Schlegel spotted an error.

What of Goethe, whose works, his Schriften of , announced that he had returned from Italy and was back in the literary scene? Of Volume Eight Schlegel noted that Goethe had carried out welcome revisions to his poetry, not least in matters metrical. This was the first of his several reviews of Goethe, that recorded his continuing deference and then his gradual disenchantment. But that family business of the s, the Brothers Schlegel, set out to forge quite different alliances, and they would be with those of their own generation, not with Schiller. There was, however, no question of a young reviewer seeking to ingratiate himself with the author of Don Carlos.

He noted what for him were obscurities and impurities in the diction: What he most admired was how Schiller had taken material that was otherwise the stuff of didactic poetry or even art appreciation Winckelmann or Mengs and had made it into a rhapsody whose poetic expression and energy and the flow of whose language had enabled philosophical and aesthetic seriousness to be transmitted with such conviction. For anyone as careful as Schlegel, such an analogy is of course far-fetched, yet some surprise is justified nevertheless. Mere translation was not enough; versions that did justice to the original in form and tone were needed.

There was nothing extraordinary about this: Where there were no debates, there were versions themselves, and plenty of them. Before Schlegel appeared on the scene to brighten up his last years, he had done versions of the Pervigilium Veneris , the Iliad , and Macbeth , an impressive list. From writing sonnets in the Petrarchan style it was for Schlegel but a step to versions of the original, Petrarch himself. The Divine Comedy was, says Schlegel, a work so much bound up with the personality and experience of its poet, so inextricably one with him, that the translator must render all of its characteristics and form and idiosyncrasies.

Yet already Schlegel was in danger of overreaching himself, for these efforts were fragments of a general study of Italian poetry that got lost in other and more pressing enterprises. These included Wieland, who had produced a verse translation in , improved by Eschenburg in These two plays were also by tradition those that one found when opening the first volume of a Shakespeare edition. Where in the opening scenes they were still competing, Schlegel by the close had the field to himself, with this, for example: For Bouterwek is the great compiler of facts, the systematizer, of his generation.

Schlegel, too, needed facts when it suited him, but his narrative was organic, followed the natural development of human endeavours in the arts, the processes of change; it was never merely linear. Yet when Schlegel later needed to set out the history of the Spanish drama, it was to Bouterwek and his like that he turned not always acknowledged —but always in the interests of making known the poetry and the historical and social developments that produced it.

With this difference in method went a mutual animosity. From he gave private lectures on the history and theory of painting, although there is no evidence that Schlegel actually attended these. We do not know with any certainty what Fiorillo specifically passed on to Schlegel: Assuming, as we safely can, that Fiorillo showed Schlegel the prints and drawings of which he was the custodian, he would have seen sheets after the major Italian masters including Raphael, Michelangelo, Bandinelli, Giulio Romano, Polidoro, Parmigianino, Correggio, the Carracci.

They had already been to galleries: He only started to show art connoisseurship in his reviews and his Dante essays from the s. Meanwhile, he had to acquire the knowledge of originals, which no print collection could supplant. It was however not until the crucial visit to the Dresden gallery in that his art appreciation began to take on a distinct profile. Friedrich was in many ways still a child when his older brother left for university, difficult, intractable, the afterthought of elderly parents, and what was worse in the Schlegel family, unstudious. It may have been the example of his older brother, or the awakening of his intellectual powers with puberty his friend Novalis was to experience something similar: His father had despaired of teaching him, and he had not been sent to the Lyceum.

In a spate, an orgy, of reading, Friedrich in a few months seemingly devoured what his older brother had acquired in more systematic fashion. That may be an exaggeration, but he did read the whole of Plato in Greek. Armed with this, he was able to matriculate in , attending lectures in mathematics and medicine, reading Herder, Kant, Winckelmann, Hemsterhuis as well. It was spoken in the house her father had translated from the English ; the royal princes were frequent guests.

These events were to have consequences for all of them. Another daughter was born. His journey on foot through the Harz included a visit to Clausthal, but one cannot imagine this bookish student, doubtless with good manners, making any kind of impression, certainly not a favourable one. Her second child died there, under distressing circumstances. Schlegel records that he saw her before his departure for Holland at Easter It would have been devotion at a distance, a Petrarchan or Dantean worship from afar.

Their paths were not to cross again until He was in a self-imposed exile from Germany, in Amsterdam. Not eating the bread of affliction: The house at Herengracht was remarkable for two reasons: It was Willem Ferdinand Mogge Muilman, a wide-awake boy of 13, to whom Schlegel was tutor and with whom, if later letters are anything to go by, he seems to have had a good relationship. Thus when Schlegel later stated views on education, he knew what he was talking about. The household was comfortable; he was warmly clad his mother saw to this and well fed.

It was, however, no more than a temporary arrangement until something permanent turned up. Otherwise, there were parental admonitions to prudence, frugality and economy, qualities already abundant in Holland and ones that their son already possessed in large measure. But Friedrich discovered his now absent brother as a source of true friendship; a correspondence ensued, which is one of the most important and revealing documents of these years. We owe this to the tidiness of August Wilhelm: We would know whether she ever wrote to him letters of such verve, of such stylistic accomplishment and vividness, as her friend Meyer or her sister Lotte Michaelis were to receive.

She met there the grande dame of German letters, Sophie von La Roche. But in this atmosphere, away from the Hanoverian realms, she could only exclaim: In December of that year, she made the momentous—or fatal—decision to join Therese and all the Forsters, Georg, Therese and the children. It was to bring her, and the Schlegel brothers, face to face with the Revolutionary Wars and the consequences of the French Revolution.

With its position on the Rhine, it had commercial significance, but as events would soon show, also strategic value. For the city lay on that bank of the Rhine that was soon to change hands. The court and its appurtenances attracted men of culture. The Elector of Mainz, Baron Friedrich Karl Joseph von Erthal, saw no contradiction between the opulence of his palace, and the spirit of enlightenment in his university. With his life ending in ruins in the Paris of the Terror, he seemed in the s to be a warning example of where revolutionary ardour or a belief in unending human progress led to.

Caroline had chosen Mainz as opposed to the minor residences of Gotha or Weimar, where everyone would have known who she was. That was in itself an error. The Forster marriage, never happy—only later would Therese confess to its full wretchedness—had collapsed. Caroline was aware of the delicacy of her position. She was reading Mirabeau, sensing the momentousness of the times she lived in.

A Jacobin Club was set up: A proponent of political union with France, he was sent in March to Paris as a delegate of the German National Convention. He was now alone, Therese and the children having left for Strasbourg, she to marry Huber, and then make a career as an independent writer. What then happened is unclear: Caroline, now ill, had to spend nine weeks sharing a room with seven others. She was not denied pen and paper, and sent out pleas for help.

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An adjutant was to issue passes for her safe conduct home. But how was this distressed person, five months pregnant and with a small daughter, to accomplish this? Their saviour proved to be none other than August Wilhelm Schlegel. There, his brother Friedrich had his meditations on Hamlet and other subjects rudely interrupted by the arrival of the small party; indeed August Wilhelm more or less handed Caroline over to him and returned to his duties with the Muilmans in Amsterdam.

Not, however, before having installed Caroline in the small town of Lucka.

The Life of August Wilhelm Schlegel

August Wilhelm sent her the portrait of himself he had had done in Amsterdam, to remind her of his continuing devotion; Friedrich came in person. Indeed as early as December he wrote to his brother that he was prepared to abandon everything and move to Mainz to be near Caroline. The libraries, he claimed, were not adequate for the kind of intensive study of Italian literature that he wished to undertake later, Friedrich sent him the necessary books. As early as the summer of , we learn through Friedrich that Schiller wanted contributions to Die Neue Thalia , which Die Horen was to succeed.

These Nachrichten were essentially hack work and were discontinued after the first part they are today a rarity. It is that slightly sensuous, effete and stylised portrait, with the modish high stock, that hitherto was our only image of the young Schlegel. Image in the public domain. The sitter seems to have been satisfied, otherwise he would not have sent it. Perhaps it is the first sign of the vanity with which he later was taxed and which some detected as early as The four years of correspondence with his brother August Wilhelm reveal the many sides of his character, by no means all of them flattering; but we do well to remember that this was a young man, a late developer, given to mood swings and dark reflections that only just recoiled from suicide.

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When these young and not so young men in the s turned their attention to the figure of Hamlet, they revealed much of themselves: It was a hasty judgement, a weakness to which Schiller inclined. Yet these heady notions of friendship also had their feet on the ground of reality. It was not by chance that concrete sums of money occurred frequently in these fraternal letters. By the end of , he was hopelessly in debt: It was to be the first of several quite hefty sums that Friedrich was to receive from this source, even when relations between the brothers later were strained.

It was a perilous path to follow, and not even his provident brother was able to pursue it consistently. The Romantic generation needed professional qualifications, or academic posts, or private estates, or patrons, or combinations of all of these. Not a single one of them was ever financially independent. The irony is that Friedrich Schlegel, who believed longer than most that he could be a writer and nothing else, was also the one whose finances were always in the greatest disarray. They came bubbling up out of his fertile intelligence: They involved absolute definitions of the nature of poetry: The formulations came in rapid succession; one touched off the next.

These notions pushed him closer to an examination of his own times and sparked off the essays on Condorcet, Lessing and Forster. His older brother, never as philosophically inclined as he, was treated to several philosophy lessons. He was frequently enjoined to complete his Dante project, which of course he duly did. He passed on comments from Caroline: Caroline was urging Friedrich to read Condorcet.

And at the end of , he returned to Germany from Amsterdam. Muilman had treated him well, in a business-like fashion. Amalthea, , I, f. Rowohlt, , 8. Ernst Behler et al. Schmieder, , X, Weidmann, , f. Vogel, , I, For dating I rely on Seeliger, who consulted the relevant parish registers Wilkinson, Johann Elias Schlegel: Dodsley, , Poul Engelstoft and Svend Dahl, 27 vols Copenhagen: Ruhfus, , I, ; J.

The German Circle in Copenhagen Cambridge: Cambridge UP, , Johann Heinrich Schlegel, 5 vols Copenhagen and Leipzig: Hahn, , [xxif. Schlegel, Sur la visite de vaisseaux neutres sous convoi […] Copenhagen: Cohen, , subsequently in English. He also published the codex of Old Icelandic Law.

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