Islamic Proverbs in World Languages

88 Arabic Proverbs: Original Arabic and English Translations

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This may be partly due to cultural contact between peoples in the present or past. Many Hausa and Fulani proverbs, for instance, are near identical in overt meaning and translation, and the same applies to the Kru and Jabo of Southern Liberia and many others. The Bantu languages provide many examples of this, the more striking owing to their similarity in language as well as sentiment. Doke gives a detailed example of the way a proverb can take slightly different forms in the many languages in which it occurs this one is the equivalent of our pot calling the kettle black: The comparisons, then, are close.

But the actual application and interpretation may vary from society to society, whatever the wording. References to the animal world seem particularly frequent everywhere, but they are by no means the only analogies. These include everything with which a given people is preoccupied, and the extent to which any single sphere is stressed depends, as one would expect, on the culture and experience of a particular society. However, it is particularly true of proverbs whose use and application depends so crucially on their context that no full understanding can be reached without some knowledge of the occasions and purposes of their actual use.

First, there is the sense of detachment and generalization inherent in proverbs. The speaker stands back, as it were, from the heat of the actual situation and draws attention, for himself or others, to its wider implications. And secondly, there is the oblique and allusive nature of expression through proverbs that makes it possible to use them in a variety of effective ways. In this situation proverbs are often used by one or other of the parties to get at his opponent or try to make out a good case for himself by drawing some analogy through the image in a proverb.

Among the Anang Ibibio, for instance, proverbs are often skilfully introduced into speeches at the crucial moment and are influential in the actual decisions reached Messenger In one Anang law case, the plaintiff managed to stir up antagonism towards the accused a chronic thief by alluding to his past record and untrustworthy reputation. A number of these have been recorded among the Nyanja, for whom the court is the place for the use of proverbial wit and wisdom and who often refer to such cases in metaphors drawn from hunting.

People are rebuked for their wrong behaviour in court and reminded allusively that what they are doing falls into some general category they too disapprove of. Telling lies, for instance, only makes matters worse: Some of these might be classed as juridical axioms and maxims, but many in fact succeed just because the attempt at reconciliation is oblique and through an analogy rather than a straightforward injunction. The contenders are not only brought to view the dispute in a wider perspective and thus be more ready to come to terms , but this is conveyed in a tactful and allusive way.

However, they also occur in less formal situations for giving ordinary advice. Here too their oblique and tactful nature makes them particularly effective. Many examples of this could be given. The Oron miser who, with some polite excuse, refuses a request, particularly for money, is told obliquely that the asker knows quite well that he does not really want to do it: Practical as well as ethical advice is given: Ridicule and mockery in proverbs are also effective.

As Smith writes of Ila proverbs, wit has a utilitarian aim; laughter is never far away, and because of their susceptibility to ridicule the Ila, like many others, can sometimes be laughed out of a thing more than deterred by argument or force. Indeed, any kind of satirical or penetrating comment on behaviour may be made in the form of a proverb and used to warn or advise or bring someone to his senses.

He is reminded of the general implications of his action—and the fact that the reminder is cast in apparently innocent and irrelevant terms may make it all the more effective. This is their oblique and suggestive character. The speaker wishes to convey something, but in such a way that later on he can deny that he actually stated what was implied, or so that only some among his listeners may understand the point. This type of suggestiveness is developed to a particularly high degree in the Zande sanza in which a kind of malicious double-talk is used to convey a meaning other than the obvious sense.

Similarly among the Thonga a proverb may be used with an apparently clear meaning but in practice a completely different intention Junod and Jaques This kind of implicit attack on another, already mentioned in the context of a formal law case, sometimes takes more unusual forms. An example is the elliptical language of names. Though proverbs can occur in very many different kinds of contexts, they seem to be particularly important in situations where there is both conflict and, at the same time, some obligation that this conflict should not take on too open and personal a form.

Such conflict can occur in many different ways—there may be competition for scarce resources, there may be a stress, as among the Zulu or Ibo, on the idea of personal achievement or, as among the Azande, on the significance of hierarchy, with the competitiveness for advancement and notice so closely connected with these; in all these situations there may also be an idea that the conflict involved should not be allowed to become extreme and explicit.

It can be seen how the veiled and metaphorical language of proverbs is particularly relevant in such contexts. Even in cases of overt and institutionalized conflict—for example, the law cases in the more highly organized African states—proverbs play a part in formalizing and controlling the conflicts involved.

The Arabic Language

It seems that in certain non-literate African societies the use of proverbs may fulfil something of the same function. This aspect may perhaps serve to throw some light on the fact that whereas some peoples make great use of proverbs, among others, for instance the Nuer, they seem to be of little or no importance. Although the details are often not made very clear, it seems that there are several different senses in which proverbs can fulfil educational functions. Sometimes proverbs and other verbal forms like riddles are used in a quite specific way in societies that lay great stress on initiation ceremonies.

The initiates may be instructed in the proverbs and aphorisms current in the society, just as they are also often taught dances, songs, and other skills. Among the Chaga, for instance, proverbs play an important part in formal instruction during initiation ceremonies and are highly valued; Raum This sort of formal instruction may have a certain esoteric intention; the members of the group versed in these proverbs are now, by their very knowledge, marked off from those who have not yet reached this stage.

In addition, in a non-literate society instruction through proverbs provides a means for relatively formal education and transmission of cultural traditions. Proverbs with their implicit generalized import are clearly a suitable and succinct form in which to verbalize socially prescribed actions and attitudes.

However, when collectors comment on the educational function of proverbs they do not necessarily intend to convey such a specific role as that described above, one which certainly does not occur in every African society. What they often seem to be describing is the general educative role of proverbs.

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Now proverbs often imply some general comment on the way people do, or should, or should not behave. But proverbs are in practice cited in a whole variety of situations, and only in some of them does there seem to be any intentionally educational purpose. The manifest aim may in fact be to get at an opponent, to defy a superior in a polite and oblique way, to make an effective and unanswerable point in a speech, etc. Among the Ibo, for instance, proverbs fulfil this aim incidentally even though the explicit occasion is that of a dance.

Other quasi-educational results which may come from the frequent use of proverbs seem only incidental, not really distinguishable in kind from the general socialization and education undergone by people just because and in that they are members of a particular society. Thus we are told of proverbs in many societies e. Most authors, however, do not give details of the actual situations of such usage. It is true that the generalizations implicit in many proverbs make them suitable vehicles for this sort of instruction; but the occasions we are told about suggest that what in fact is often being done is to convey the applicability of a proverb to a particular situation rather than to teach any actual generalization implied or stated in the proverb.

This too is of course a type of education. That this view is not just that of the outside observer is clear from the overlap in terminology already mentioned between proverbs and such unquestionably literary genres as stories, parables, or riddles. In the case of certain peoples, indeed, their proverbs sometimes together with their riddles appear to be the richest or most interesting part of their oral literature, for example the Fang Tardy Of the proverbs in many African societies we are told that they are consciously used not only to make effective points but also to embellish their speeches in a way admired and appreciated by their audiences.

It is part of the art of an accomplished orator to adorn his rhetoric with apt and appealing proverbs. The Anang Ibibio reputation for eloquence largely arises from their skilful use of proverbs, and a Zulu orator who can quote aptly, readily, and profusely is particularly admired Messenger Proverbs are also used to add colour to everyday conversation. This aspect seems to be very widespread indeed and in some cases at least to be an art cultivated to a very high degree.

Thus among the Mongo, proverbs are said to be continually cited; among the Zulu, someone who did not know their proverbs would be lost in the allusiveness of their conversation; while among the Bambara, proverbs are honoured to such an extent that they tend to use a proverb every two or three phrases even in everyday conversation Hulstaert Unlike many other prose forms, proverbs are not normally used specifically for entertainment but are more involved in everyday situations. However, we do hear occasionally of contests in proverb telling. In all these contexts the proverb is a vehicle particularly suited to give depth and elegance through its allusive, figurative, and poetic mode of expression.

In proverbs the whole range of human experience can be commented on and analysed, generalizations and principles expressed in a graphic and concise form, and the wider implications of specific situations brought to mind. This aspect has always appealed particularly to collectors. This is to miss the flexibility and situational aspect that is so striking a characteristic of African proverbs.

As has been pointed out by several authorities, the same proverb may be used in a whole range of situations with different applications and meanings. If interpreted as literal injunctions or evaluations, clearly there is contradiction. There is not much evidence on this, but clearly the details vary from society to society. Sometimes the proverbs are potentially known to everyone and free for all to use on suitable occasions.

The actual use, of course, depends on the occasion: In other societies there seem to be certain proverbs that are reserved for use only by older people and would not be cited in the presence of youths or uncircumcised adults. The young may not presume to press a point with their seniors by using proverbs Herskovits Among the Nyanja proverbs are sometimes used with a definitely esoteric intention Gray The situation described of the Mongo is very likely typical of many societies: But this whole subject is obscure and the evidence scanty.

Since one of the characteristics of a proverb is that it should be accepted by the community as a whole, the scope for individual initiative is clearly limited.

10 Must-Know Arabic Idioms & Proverbs

However, the fact that there is a certain amount of variation in form and the great range of varied situations to which proverbs can be applied with greater or lesser aptness and insight give some opening for individual contributions. There is a certain amount of evidence about the way new proverbs are coined by individuals and later taken up by the community.

As Nyembezi points out about the Zulu, there are no special people with the job of evolving proverbs, but new ones nevertheless arise through individuals; and we are told elsewhere that many Zulu proverbs were first uttered by famous men or by bards or jesters before the king or at a beer-drink and were then taken up and popularized by others Nyembezi It is common for proverbs to be attributed to well-known historical personages; this is often conventional but in some cases may be justified.

Similarly new proverbs are mentioned as being taken by individuals from various outside sources, or arising from individual inventiveness and poetic imagination within the framework of the conventional forms and functions in any given society cf. In particular societies there may be certain rules or tendencies about the sorts of occasions on which they are most frequent or suitable, or the classes of people who should use them.

Some peoples may use proverbs in a particularly sophisticated way as the basis for more elaborate forms of literature, while others stress the useful aspect of proverb-citing or their more literary and artistic purpose. But they are above all used as a form of formalized conflict and its resolution, as an oblique and allusive way of communication, as a form of expression with a certain educational relevance, as an artistic activity in its own right, or as all these at once.

However, some of the points made may emerge more clearly with a discussion of the nature and use of proverbs in three specific societies, ones which differ in language, social organization, and geographical location. These are a Kru-speaking people living in small independent settlements in south-eastern Liberia. Their proverbs were collected and studied in the s by Herzog and his native assistant.

They were published in the original and in translation with a full commentary on their various meanings and situations and an illuminating introduction Herzog Jabo proverbs shade into other forms: They play an important part in Jabo legal proceedings; indeed at a certain stage the discussion mainly takes place through the quoting of proverbs.

In this way the case can be raised from the particular to the general and can be classified according to the generalizations inherent in proverbs. These are often particularly effective in smoothing dissatisfaction because uttered by an older person in a society where seniority is taken seriously. Besides their general use in legal and social life, both formally and informally, proverbs also provide the means by which generalizations can be made explicit, and at times provide an intricate and artistic intellectual exercise for the adept.

The same proverb may be used as advice, instruction, or warning, and may be cited in situations that may seem far removed from the original application, or even in contradictory senses. The supposed speaker is often either some natural object, sea, plant, etc. Such proverbs can be quoted either with or without this attribution. The ideas of contrast and of limitation are also frequently brought out by the form. Poetic and archaic expressions occur, and the poetic tone is intensified by the symmetrically balanced structure and occasional rhythmic swing which is accentuated in actual utterance.

In this way, proverbs are a kind of technical language, with specialized vocabulary, style, and linguistic and logical constructions. These have been extensively collected and commented on for many years. The best account is that by Nyembezi who has published over proverbs, gleaned-both from earlier collections and from his own field-work.

Consonant with the general Zulu interest in rhythm, music, dance, and poetry, their proverbs are often marked by a certain metrical form which makes a contrast with plain prose.

Common Arabic and English Proverbs

This is often brought out by balanced structure such that contrasted subjects are governed by one predicate thus presenting two opposed ideas , by contrasted predicates governed by one subject, or by contrast in both subjects and predicates. In some proverbs the contrast lies in the ideas rather than the words themselves. Economy of expression is particularly marked in Zulu proverbs, often with elision of vowels or whole words and the subject suggested only by the concord. Certain patterns occur frequently and give the proverbs a distinct form even when, as in some cases, they lack rhythm.

The vocabulary used seems to be the everyday one, but the proverbs cease to be ordinary not just because of their special forms but because they are generally accepted as clever and attractive expressions of some truth. If some of the proverbs appear to have contradictory senses, this is merely because there are many possible situations and different angles from which one can look at a problem. Besides their importance in teaching, proverbs are also commonly used in lawsuits and arguments to minimize friction. They are used too in general comment on people and the world, often humorously.

Proverbs can be used to enrich and enliven speech at every level, whether of formal oratory or of everyday conversation, and are regarded as essential to the life and language of the Zulu. As we would expect of a pastoral people devoted to their livestock, there are very many proverbs connected with cattle and cattle husbandry.

Proverbs and quotations about language in many languages

Hunting is another popular subject; birds are often referred to, and the proverbs in fact often merge into, or appear in, the songs attributed to many well-known birds see Dunning Proverbs may also contain references to historical events, such as those which speak of the famous Shaka, or they may be connected with well-known tales, sometimes gaining their effectiveness through referring to the events in the tale, and sometimes apparently giving rise to the story.

Through all these topics, and many others, the Zulu are able to comment on and mould their social experience; their proverbs are an important facet of their conversation and literature. This double-talk including proverbs has been described by Evans-Pritchard in a series of articles drawing mainly on his own field-work supplemented by published collections of proverbs Evans-Pritchard , a , a. The Azande have many proverbs and these are marked by the same kind of characteristics as those of other peoples.

Though they do not rhyme or show much alliteration, there is a certain rhythmic balance between the two halves of the sentence: Where this balance is lacking the Azande tend to supply it with an introductory half-sentence. Besides the presence or absence of such prefaces there are also other variations in their verbal structure, and it is common for the proverb not to be spoken in full but to be alluded to by only an extract from it.

But the metaphors seem most frequently to arise from the intimate Zande knowledge of wildlife, connected with the fact that their traditional form of settlement is in scattered homesteads with wild life all around them. Very many of the images are taken from wild creatures, from hunting, and from collecting activities; far fewer are taken from agricultural work and domesticated plants—a fact which Evans-Pritchard thinks may be explained by the relatively recent change from hunting and collecting to agriculture.

Many similar examples are given of differing interpretations of single proverbs.

Usually this form of speech is used in a malicious way, often with the intention of speaking at someone while seemingly making an innocent remark. By using this form of speech, as with the narrower class of proverbs, a man can get at another while at the same time keeping himself under cover; the sufferer will not be able to make overt trouble, and in any case the insult, being hidden, can be withdrawn without loss of dignity. This oblique and veiled form of speech is one which, as Evans-Pritchard shows in some detail, fits the suspicious and competitive outlook of the Azande, and can be connected with the authoritarian nature of their relationships and their dominant fear of witchcraft.

However, it seems to be an element in all use of proverbs, one which comes out particularly in situations of conflict or uneasy social relationships and where depths of hidden meaning are sensed or implied. The Arabic language is spoken by million across the world, in countries like Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Iraq, Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, and dozens of others. Modern Standard Arabic is a descendant of Classical Arabic, a language from the 6th century.

Arabic is an ancient language and an ancient, rich culture, with an equally rich bank of proverbs and sayings. Many of the proverbs below will include the original Arabic writing, but will always be translated into English. This saying refers to the fact that if something set off a levelheaded person, you should be more worried! A double crossing friend knows more about what harms you.

Learn how to read and write in Arabic with this Arabic language learning course. The rest of the proverbs below will be written in English. Want to know the true way to speak these proverbs? Check out this course on basic Arabic for Egyptian and Shami dialects. Anger without cause, speech without profit, change without progress, inquiry without object, putting trust in a stranger, and mistaking foes for friends. Are you ready for more Arabic proverbs in the original Arabic? They take care of everyone except for themselves. This applies to people as well.

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