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Saint Nicolas du Chardonnet Vue du ciel yuri dostoewski. Saint Ambroise Vue du ciel yuri dostoewski. Many cultural features, including the elements of royal ideology, cannot be easily explained by social realities, but still formed an essential part of the cultural code influencing political and social order. Moreover, they could have been easily adapted by other states and cultures, thus influencing the political and social development outside the culture where they were born.

Naturally enough, the changes tend to be most notable during the periods of crisis when the previous power structures and ideologies ceased to function, but the responses to the crises can vary significantly, ranging from successful attempts of a near restoration of the previous conditions, though usually with notable shifts in the political order and its ideological confirmation, to the profound transformation of the social and political system with only slight reflections of the preceding realities expressed on the ideological level.

Monarchy has, naturally enough, featured prominently in the comparative treatises of early statehood, 17 and has been the subject of many special studies concerning particular states and cultures. The present volume, based on an international conference held in the University of Tartu, Kingship and Community in the Ancient East Mediterranean Regions: It includes case studies concerning power building and royal ideologies in Egypt, Mesopotamia, Palestine, Anatolia and Greece from the third millennium to the 6 th century BC, many of which pay particular attention to the either the emergence or reinstatement of monarchy from periods of crisis.

The collection begins with a study by the late Sergei Stadnikov scrutinising the development of Egyptian royal ideology from the state formation ca BC to the Middle Kingdom period c BC. Egypt, where statehood developed in relative isolation in the naturally irrigated valley of Nile, can be easily viewed as a paradigmatic example of centralised territorial monarchy, and Egyptian royalty as an exemplary case of divine kingship.

He explains the ideological roots of the Egyptian belief in the pharaonic rule of the world, and in the ruler s permanent triumph over real and mythological enemies, connecting this, at least implicitly, with the geographical position of Egypt amidst the fruitless and potentially dangerous 17 Note for example Service Egypt ; Garelli Stadnikov describes the expression of this ideology in the official titulature of the Old Kingdom rulers, and demonstrates how the Middle Kingdom pharaohs Amenemhet I and Senusert I re-establishing order after the traumatic First Intermediate Period 22 nd 21 st centuries BC restored the Old Kingdom traditions and adapted them to the changed conditions.

This produced a confirmation of the ruler s divinity and an even stronger pronouncement of the claims of ruling the whole world. The following five chapters address the problems concerning Mesopotamian kingship, focusing, like Sergei Stadnikov, above all, on the royal ideology. The third millennium BC, the period of Second Urbanisation, was indeed an era when the economic, social and political world of Mesopotamia was dominated by great institutions temples and royal palaces, and when we can observe a gradual rise of the significance of kingship 20 an early manifestation of which is given by the famous royal graves at Ur , at the expense of the temple which had been the ruling institution during the Uruk period in the four millennium BC.

Moreover, the second half of the third millennium witnessed the subjection of the initially independent Sumerian city state kingdoms to the great monarchies: However, the kingly power required legitimation which was provided by developing the titulature, 22 and by articulating connections with the divine sphere.

These developments are addressed by Vladimir Sazonov who offers a profound discussion of the official presentation of royalty by the Early Dynastic and Akkadian kings roughly 27 th 23 rd centuries BC. He presents a ruler by analysis of the use of universalistic expressions, the claims for divine descent 23, and the deification of the kings, 24 demonstrating how the attribution of these ideological 20 For example, Lambert Sazonov observes a fairly clear connection between the claims of universalistic rule and the divine affiliation of the mightier and more successful rulers, and notes a shift in the articulation of the ruler s divinity, developing from the claims for divine parentage by the Sumerian monarchs to the direct deification of the much more powerful Akkadian kings.

The following article by Vladimir Emelianov illuminates the responses to the 22 nd century crisis brought by the barbarian Gutians. Emelianov focuses on the King Gudea of Lagash ruling during latter part of the Gutian interlude Emelianov refutes the dating of Gudea to the time of the establishment of the Ur III dynasty , and points out the importance of the king claiming only divine parentage, continuing the practice of royal deification, accepting no connection to the Gutians who ostensibly ruled the land at his time, and accepting only a divinity Ningirsu as his master.

This relativizes the depth of the chaos brought by the Gutians according to the literary tradition, while on the other hand demonstrates a successful reaction to the crisis by the Sumerian elite. The responses to the Gutian crisis are discussed also by Peeter Espak focusing on the events leading to the establishment of the Ur III dynasty, and the ideological confirmation of the power of the Ur III kings. He presents a detailed account of how Utu-hegal the king of Uruk described his victory over the Gutians, and how the power in Sumer was assumed by Ur-Namma, probably a subordinate of Utu-hegal overthrowing his master, establishing Ur as the royal seat and portraying himself as the defeater of the Gutians, like his predecessor had done.

Espak demonstrates how Ur-Namma and his son Shulgi legitimated the power by manipulating the pre-akkadian traditions concerning the legendary kings of Uruk, how this manipulation produced the standard list of the Sumerian kings, and how Shulgi promoted the city of Eridu, which might have been of personal importance for him, into the position of the oldest city of the world.

The article by Sebastian Fink continues the discussion of the ideology of the Ur III kings, scrutinising the evidence for the kings as mighty warriors. A profound overview of the Ur III texts describing military actions, including the royal year-names, royal inscriptions and literary texts, allows him to specify both the elements inherited from the previous periods, like the divine support given to the ruler to crush enemies, and the novel traits like the motif of victory in a single day and the comparison of the ruler to animals on one occasion even to old donkey exemplifying the endurance and strength of the king.

Fink indicates Shulgi as the only ruler in the Ancient Near East who is known to have developed a code of honour in wartime, and points out the importance of the Ur III period for the development of the literary description of the results of war and the depiction of the enemy as a subhuman barbarian. Particularly, they illuminate the significance of the Ur III period when the centralized monarchy was reestablished after the 22 nd century crisis, which compares to the reinstatement of the unified monarchy by the Egyptian Middle Kingdom rulers after the crisis of the First Intermediate period.

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In both cases the old traditions were adjusted and elaborated for confirming the re-established power, which produced an ideological synthesis setting the pattern for many centuries to come. The next article by Andreas Johandi assumes a deeply diachronic approach, discussing the texts featuring the abandonment of land by the god Marduk after becoming angry of the ruler, and the return of the god restoring divine blessing when the wrath was appeased. This narrative pattern appears as a traditional way of conceptualizing crisis by depicting the previous ruler, or the people of the land, as guilty before the god who consequently punishes the crimes, and the new ruler as the virtuous restorer of divine benevolence and thus the beneficial order in the state.

The examples discussed by Johandi range from the 21 st century Curse of Akkad to the Cyrus Cylinder written after BC, 25 assuring that the motif of divine abandonment and return was popular during a very long period of time. The region was indeed strongly affected by the early 12 th century crisis causing the disappearance of the Egyptian power in the region, and of the city-states flourishing during the Late Bronze Age, and introducing new ethnic groups, including the Philistines of perhaps Aegean origin, and possibly the Hebrews to whom we owe the Old Testament as the principal literary source for the subsequent period.

His first article concerning the relationship between palace and temple, or kingship and priesthood, emphasises a significant change taking place in this sphere. The close connection between palace and temple characteristic for the Late Bronze Age city states disappeared, replaced by the flourishment of separate rural shrines around the small Early Iron Age communities.

A shift back towards previous practices took place when 25 See Cooper Curse of Akkad and Razmjou But even then the earlier tradition of royal control over temple and priesthood was hardly resumed, and although the Israelite and Judean kings continued to care about divine and cultic matters, they never attained, nor apparently strived for, a strong subjection of the priesthood and cult to the royal power.

In his second article Zwickel scrutinises the function and significance of the several magazine houses excavated in the settlements of the Israelite kingdom. The spread of the magazines from the coastal region inland suggests their foreign, probably Aegean origin, while the Biblical evidence indicates that their establishment became a part of royal policy.

Besides serving the local people as barns for their crop, the magazines were probably used for the upkeep of artisans, and could have served for feeding soldiers during time of war. The collection ends with three articles dedicated to the emergence of monarchies in the second to first millennium Greece. This includes the period of crisis in the 23 rd 22 nd centuries BC, which caused the fall of the prosperous Early Bronze Age centres, and the relatively sudden emergence of Mycenae as the new power centre from the 17 th century onwards.

The last chapter by Priit-Hendrik Kaldma focuses on elite competition and the attempts of establishing monarchic power tyranny as called by the Greeks in Archaic Athens during the 7 th 6 th centuries BC. His discussion demonstrates the permanency of such attempts, the fact that tyranny was always considered as a realistic option, and that the difference between monarchic and collective rule does not always appear clearly in the sources.

Kaldma s discussion shows that the relative permanency of sole rule achieved by Peisistratos around the middle of the 6 th century was attained by presenting the claimant for power as a beneficial leader respecting traditions and standing for the common good, and by the successful control and manipulation of the central cults of the state. The contributions here confirm, if confirmation is needed, that close relations to the divine sphere were highly important for legitimating monarchic power in all the cultures discussed, and that emphasising this relationship was crucial above all during the times when monarchies were established, or re-established after periods of crisis.

Competition for sole power almost equates to competition for divine blessing for the ruler. Since the power was usually attained through armed conflict and maintained by military might, it was highly natural that di-. The successful solutions and ideological patterns worked out in response to the crises could become deeply enrooted in the cultural code, preserved during long periods without significant changes, and been adapted by neighbouring states and cultures. This is demonstrated not only by the famously durable royal imaginary of Ancient Egypt, established during the formation of the united kingdom and partly reshaped by the Middle Kingdom rulers re-establishing monarchy after the previous collapse, but also by the persistence of the complex royal ideology of the Akkadian and Ur III kings, adapted by the monarchs all over the Ancient Near East to the rise of the Achaemenid empire in the 6 th century BC.

This continuity may seem surprising, considering the variety of states and the notable changes in the societies during this period of time.

We see that despite the decreasing significance of the centrally managed great institutions in the economic, social and political life of the Ancient Near East from the early second millennium, the development of the system of land allotments to the military elite in the royal service, some reduction of the kings emphasis of being good shepherds of the people observable during the late Bronze Age roughly 16 th 13 th centuries BC , 28 and the emergence of the empires on a previously unseen scale from the 9 th and especially the late 8 th century onwards there was still a remarkable continuity in the royal ideology.

This incites questions about continuity and change in the functioning of political, including royal, power, and about the interdependence of socio-political realities and their ideological confirmation, which obviously cannot find definite answers in the chapters of the present volume. For the Eastern Mediterranean, including Palestine and the Aegean lands, a crucial turn was brought by the 12 th century BC upheavals which in many places virtually destroyed the social and political system of the Late Bronze Age.

In Palestine the tradition of monarchy was resumed after a short period of stateless society, but the organisation of statehood and the relationship between monarchy and religious authorities underwent significant changes. Even more significant transformation took place in Greece where the impoverishment of the society after the collapse of the Mycenaean palace states caused a 28 For the social, economical, political and ideological changes during the second millennium BC see especially Koppen ; Sallaberger ; Selz ; Liverani Monarchy was possible, and political order could have been established by sole leaders called tyrants, but sole rule was rarely taken for granted, and the attitude favouring compromise prevented the entrenchment of monarchy unless the ruler convinced the citizens about the benevolent nature and general usefulness of his rule.

The chapters thus demonstrate different trajectories of development in different regions of the Ancient Near East and Eastern Mediterranean, and illuminate the significance of two eras of crisis and reorganisation the late third millennium and the 12 th century BC for the development of political power and royal ideology in respective states and cultures.

It goes without saying that the volume cannot give an overall description of this development, nor offer definite solutions even in the cases scrutinised in the chapters, but we hope it will help to clarify some important questions and contributes to further discussion in the field. Oxford New York, Andrewes, A. Untersuchungen zur Entwicklung und Beurteilung von Alleinherrschaft im vorhellenistischen Griechenland.

Oxford New York, Beckman, G. Reflections of Mesopotamian Conceptions of Kingship among Hittites. State Power from Assyria to Byzantium. Oxford New York, Berve, H. Die Darstellung der Kindheit des Herrschers in mesopotamischen und kleinasiatischen Herrscherinschriften und literarischen Texte. Les secrets du pouvoir. A History of the Persian Empire. Divine Kingship in the Ancient World and Beyond. Divine Kingship in Ancient Mesopotamia. Oxford New York, Burns, B. Sprache, Religion, Kultur und Gesellschaft.

Wiesbaden, , Carlier, P. The Year Civilization Collapsed. Divine Kingship in Mesopotamia.

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London New York, Drews, R. The Evidence for Kingship in Geometric Greece. Liege Austin, Earle, T. Power, Economy, and Ideology. The Political Economy in Prehistory.

The evolution of leadership. Santa Fe, Emelianov, V. Early Mesopotamian Royal Titles: Questioning the Neoevolutionist Paradigm.

Oxford Oakville, Frandsen, P. A Study of Magic and Religion. Oxford New York, Gehler, M.

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New Horizons in literary, ideological, and historical analysis. Factional Competition in Neopalatial Crete. Liege Austin, Hansen, M. From Earliest Prehistory through the Bronze Age. New York London, Kuhrt, A. Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale Copenhagen Studies in Assyriology, Vol. Epic, Archaeology and History. Roms langer Weg zum republikanischen Gleichgewicht. Gesellschaftliche Stabilisierungsleistungen und politische Transpotentiale in den antiken Stadtstaaten. History, Society and Economy. Lewis Eds , Text,Artifact, and Image.

Revealing Ancient Israelite Religion. Brown Judaic Studies , Manning, J. Oxford New York, Martin, P. Malden Oxford Cichester, Nassakis, D. A State and Society. Lanham New York Toronto Plymouth. The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia. Ein Imperium avant la lettere? New York London, Sazonov, V. Oxford New York, Schmitt, T.

Historische Zeitschrift , Selz, G. New York London, Selz, G. The Process of Cultural Evolution. Archaeological and Biblical Perspectives. Berlin New York, Stager, L. Winona Lake, Suter, C. Ancient Egypt in Context. Van de Mieroop, M. Oxford New York, Veijola, T. David und die Entstehung seiner Dynastie nach der deuteronomistischen Darstellung. The 12 th Century B. From Beyond the Danube to the Tigris. Oxford New York, Whitelam, K. The royal ideology and its opponents.

Sociological, Anthropological and Political Perspectives. Who Sets the Agenda? Evolution of the Earliest Cities, States, and Civilizations. It explains the ideological roots of the Egyptian belief in the pharaonic rule of the world, and in the ruler s permanent triumph over real and mythological enemies, describes the expression of this ideology in the official titulature of the Old Kingdom rulers, and shows how the Middle Kingdom pharaohs Amenemhet I and Senusert I reestablishing the internal order and confirming the unity of the state after the traumatic First Intermediate Period 22 nd 21 st centuries BC restored the Old Kingdom traditions and adopted them to the changed conditions.

The divinity of the pharaoh was confirmed, and his claims of ruling the whole world were pronounced strongly than earlier. This is evidenced from the second half of the Old Kingdom period ca BC; 3 rd 6 th dynasties , although the relevant term was apparently not yet developed in the third millennium. On the level of mythological ontology this world-view became manifest in the belief that the ordered world within the established limits, i.

Egypt, was surrounded by boundless, timeless, placeless, dark, passive and unordered watery chaos called Nun nwn. However, Nun still possessed some positive characteristics: Hornung notes that as the notions of time and space are not applicable for Nun, its nature cannot be specified Hornung For the relationship between Nun and the ordered world the Egypt see Morenz Nun was not an absolute negation, it belonged to the process of the world-creation initiated by the God-Demiurg.

The eternal existence could be active only where Maat was ruling, which includes the sphere of the gods ntr. Outside this sphere, the pre-creational unity of aboriginal non-existence perpetuated. Egypt the Black land km. Outside the Nile-Land prevailed un-natural conditions for 2 For a profound discussion of the subject see Hornung a: Such spells appear already in the pyramid texts which is the earliest conceptually reconsidered corpus of religious texts in human history see Borghouts During the Middle Kingdom ca BC at the latest, the Egyptians developed the belief concerning the fight of the sun-god Ra against the serpentine primordial enemy Apop Greek Apophis whose name, however, does not yet appear in the pyramid texts.

The mostly Middle Kingdom period texts describe him as the enemy of the passedaway king and the robber of the eye of the sun god. For more detail see Assmanna: Maat was the basis of order and life in society and in nature. It was protected, both in the earthly world and in the world beyond, above all by the sun-god Ra and the pharaoh. Maat was personified as a daughter of Ra and the wife of Thoth the god of wisdom and script.

The royal power formed a fundamental institutional basis for Egyptian society. Later even the Roman emperors, though foreign conquerors, were depicted on the walls of the sanctuaries of different deities all over Egypt in the traditional dress of the pharaohs with their sacral symbols of power. This shows that the royal tradition persisted until ca years after the reign of the first kings of the unified Egypt. During this extremely long period the meaning of the institution of kingship underwent some changes, but its basic essence was unaltered.

The successor of a passed-away pharaoh, the present representative of the dynasty of gods that had in the past supposedly ruled the earthly world, became through the rituals of royal inauguration the earthly descendant of the sky-god Horus on the throne of Geb the god of the earth. Individuality and mortality on the one hand, and eternality on the other, were unified in the person of king.

The inescapable discrepancies between the reality and the ideology did not contradict the Egyptians understanding of royal power, but were accommodated with the ruler s nature to embrace both its human and divine aspects. As the ruler guaranteed the whole world-order, the world was threatened at his death by complete destruction. Therefore, by ascending the throne the successor re-created the world, reuniting Upper and Lower Egypt as the precondition and pledge of the world order.

Egyptians believed that the principal duties of the king included besides building cult-places, carrying out the rituals etc. This sacral opposition did never cease, because the disordered barbarian sphere surrounding the Delta and the valley of Nile accompanied and served the civilised world, equalised with Egypt, as its inevitable correlation. One of the first testified sacral descriptions of a ruler probably tribal leader beating three which meant plurality powerless enemies lying on the ground derives from the second half of the fourth millennium at the latest.

The iconographical motif of the king victoriously beating one or more enemies became a permanent form of 7 See Helck See Otto a Hornung b; Assmann c: Besides the aggressive foreigners, the chaotic antiworld was symbolised by the area of wild beasts, where the king occasionally hunted lions, leopards, hippopotamuses, etc. At least from the beginning of the Old Kingdom, but perhaps even earlier, 10 the task of defending the borders of Egypt was connected with the wish of several kings to spread their perpetual power, though rather formal and magical by our standards, to the new territories like the Sinai Peninsula which was rich in raw materials.

Besides the requirements of royal ideology victorious military ventures were among the most important duties of the ruler this was caused by the interests of trade, the need for herds, prisoners of war, and raw materials. During the Old Kingdom, numerous industrial expeditions, often combined with military ventures, were organised to Libya, Lower Nubia and Sinai in the latter area mainly copper was excavated. The whole of Egypt with the conquered or dependant lands was entrusted by the gods to the severe care of the pharaoh.

The king was therefore ex officio the owner of all of its products. On the level of the religious foundation of royalty, the wish for world rule appears already during Dynasty 0 ca BC on the mace-head of the king Scorpion II, the fragment of which depicts Nine Bows. These symbolise all the people subjected by the Egyptian king; the bow was the typical weapon of nomadic people in the Egyptian neighbourhood. Nine Bows thus signified, until the New Kingdom, all internal and external enemies of Egypt compare Otto a; Gundlach For comparison see also Ebers The state was embodied in the person of the divine king.

All the positions of cultic, administrative and jurisdiction decision-making were subjected to the king as the holder of the supreme power. Universalistic epithets, titles and expressions from the Early Dynastic ca BC and Old Kingdom ca BC periods Quite naturally, the universalistic ambitions of the Egyptian kings were expressed by numerous, although short, sayings and epithets. These appear in the Early Dynastic period; 13 during the period of the Old Kingdom they became more numerous and diversified both in content and genre, although this process had serious setbacks during the First Intermediate Period ca BC.

Good literary evidence is given by the Old Kingdom royal inscriptions and reliefs from Sinai, which were mostly dedicated to the gods and were often left without clear dating. The leaders of the military-industrial expeditions ordered these to be cut on stelae and rocks, with the purpose of establishing an eternal mark and providing magical protection for the state borders.

It must be noted that the sparsely populated Sinai never belonged to the Egyptian core territories, and the region was reputed for unsecure conditions which always questioned the proper functioning of the royal power. However, from the strategical and economic point of view it was an extremely important district, situated on the way to Asia and possessing rich resources of turquoise and copper. The palette of Scorpion depicts the booty from Libya Helck Otto The 1 st dynasty ruler Hor-Aha mentions beating of Nubia on one of his tablets Petrie On an ivory tablet from Abydos the fifth 1 st dynasty king Den announces the first crushing of the East this indicates the year , and the king smashing the head of a noble Semite is depicted see Assmann b: The campaigns against the East and Asia signified above all military expeditions against the tribes of Sinai and the southern Canaan.

See more in Helck b: Equally significant are the reliefs and inscriptions of King Sahura ca BC, 5 th dynasty on the walls of his pyramid temple in Abusir, which depict and confirm by text the ideal order of the world governed by the divine ruler. The reliefs depict in a generalising and symbolising manner how the gods bring before the king the conquered and captured foreign peoples representing different quarters of the world: These foreign people, whose differences were made clear by their dress and hairstyle as well as the racial features, belonged to Egypt the ordered world as its necessary antithetical correlation.

Especially interesting, from the iconographic point of view, are the Sinai reliefs depicting the execution of a bounded Asian. The prisoner is sacrificed to the gods in the traditional ritualised way: At least nine Old Kingdom rulers are depicted so on the Sinai rocks: See also Barta See also Zibelius-Chen The principal source of legitimation for every new king was of course the coronation rite sanctified by the gods. The people of the Mediterranean islands for example the Cretans were not yet depicted on the Old Kingdom. This became subsequently a persistent, although not inevitable, element of the royal titulature.

These translations continued to reflect the universalistic ambitions of Egyptian rulers, although these ambitions were no longer confined to the land of pyramids. These texts, written in the rooms which were inaccessible for living people, had several purposes. First, they mediated for the ruler who had passed away from this world the necessary knowledge concerning the world beyond above all about heaven and the underworld and some secret matters. Second, the numerous spells they contained were understood as a magic protecting the dead king and his mummy against all conceivable dangers.

Third, the message conferred into the hieroglyphs was complementary to the funeral rites, magically perpetuating the position of the divine king which had been conferred to the ruler during his lifetime. The Egyptians, like many other ancient people, transferred the vision of this world to the world beyond. Over the earth floating as an island on the boundless primordial water there hovers the sky resting on four pillars of the world. Waters, earth and sky appeared as the successive layers of the other world. The ruler continues to fight, like in this world, successfully but still ceaselessly with reliefs.

For the interpretation of the Sahura reliefs and inscriptions see more in Wolf Compare Erman Grapow V ; Blumenthal Note the saying of Unas PT b: God conquers for him the Upper Egypt, the Lower Egypt, and the Asian strongholds, he subjects for him the hostile people under his fingers. An utmost universalism, however, is manifest in the following claim of Unas PT [d a]: Those in the West who are on the earth belong to this Unas! Those in the East who are on the earth belong to this Unas! Those in the South who are on the earth belong to this Unas! Those in the North who are on the earth belong to this Unas!

The universalistic epithets and expressions of the pyramid texts are manysided compared to the Sinai inscriptions and the text from the funerary temple of Sahura discussed above, and contain manifold meanings. New sayings with nuanced colouring appear, while the number of the sayings describing the physical destruction of enemies and the subjection of foreign countries is relatively modest. This probably depends on the purpose of the text corpus, which was somewhat different from the aims of the Sinai inscriptions and reliefs cut into the rocks near the north-eastern border of Egypt for marking the beginning of the possessions of the king and using the consequent inherent magic power for frightening away the foreigners.

Constructing the discourse of Ruling the World by the 12 th dynasty kings An objective need for substantiating the discourse of the pharaonic monarchy emerged in the First Intermediate period BC following the Old Kingdom collapse, when the institution of kingship was in obvious crisis and the whole cultural canon of previously accepted norms and values was questioned. Around the middle of the period a decisive conflict began between the rulers of the Herakleopolid and the Theban nomes over the lordship of 22 Stadnikov b: See also Meurer For the emergence of moralising discourse in Egyptian literature see Assmann The perhaps best known among the literary compositions reflecting the new spirit emerging during the First Intermediate period and the New Kingdom are perhaps The Admonitions of Ipuwer, The Teaching for Merikara, and The Prophecy of Nefert.

Amenemhet I Amon leads ; ca BC and Senusert I The Hero of [the goddess] Usret; ca BC , the first rulers of the 12 th dynasty which marked the bloom of the Middle Kingdom, did intentionally restore statehood according to the Old Kingdom principles, 25 adjusting the traditional patterns to the new conditions.

The changes concerned above all religion, especially the highly important sphere of the afterlife. The belief in the absolute kingly power had meanwhile to some extent weakened, and attempts were made to enhance the ruler s authority with the help of literature and theology, following the Old Kingdom traditions. However, the pharaohs of the Middle Kingdom could not manifest themselves like the divine rulers of the 4 th dynasty.

The upheavals of the intermediate period necessitated correctives in the ideological substantiation of the rule, and the new interpretation of the dual nature of kingship human and divine placed more emphasis on the humanity of the king. The Old Kingdom rulers had not required an extensive literary foundation for their unquestionably absolute power which was sufficiently substantiated by the monumental pyramids and adjacent mortuary temples. By the beginning of the Middle Kingdom, however, the situation had essentially changed.

Despite the reunification, the local potentates had succeeded to preserve a part of their economic autonomy and social influence, and were able to maintain this until the middle of the 12 th dynasty. We must accept that the Middle Kingdom royal institution still remains somewhat mysterious for us, although to a lesser extent than the principles of the Old Kingdom royal power. The numerous royal hymns of the Middle Kingdom period frequently depict the ruler as an omnipotent ideal lord, the son of the Sun-god Ra, the creator, the ruler, the conqueror, the shepherd of his subjects, etc. From the reign of Senusert I the emphasis on the divine aspect in the royal ideology became more frequent and manifold.

This legitimates the conclusion that despite a slow and gradual desacralisation of the kingly institution and the person of ruler, observable from the second half of the Old Kingdom, the process was never completed although some Egyptologists believe that the Old Kingdom rulers were already viewed as human autocrats. Let us emphasise once more: Amenemhet I, the founder of the 12 th dynasty, had no kingly pedigree, but was the highest official the vizier usurping the royal power.

Moreover, he was probably murdered as a result of a harem plot. Such instances are rarely recorded in Egyptian history, and appeared therefore as extremely shameful for the ruler. I have found and compared 62 relevant texts from Middle Kingdom sources royal inscriptions, official reports of military-commercial expeditions, border stelae, literary compositions etc. The murder of Amenemhet I compelled his son and successor Senusert I to attempt a highly interesting and unprecedented ideological experiment: This novel interpretation is reflected only in The Story of Sinuhe Bolshakov Berlev has presented deep reflections on the ideological tendencies during the 11 th dynasty period, immediately before the establishment of the 12 th dynasty, touching, among other questions, the relationship between the sun god and the king, and discussing the relevant passage in The Story of Sinuhe: That is why every King of Egypt must be begotten by the Sun Sinuhe R 6 8 the earliest allusion to the concept Berlev The passage in The Story of Sinuhe reads as follows: Year 30, third month of the season of flood, day 7.

The God ascended to the horizon, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Sehetepibra was taken up to heaven and united with the sun disc. The divine body was merged with his creator. R 5 7; Koch R See Hirsch Blumenthal Thematically, the texts can be divided into three principal groups pertaining to: I was especially interested in the cosmic expressions with maximal degree of generalisation pretending to rule the world both the whole Egypt and the foreign countries , particularly those ascribed to Senusert I, which belong to the third category.

These will be analysed here. A new formula appears during the reign of Senusert I: These do not always make clear in which cases only the Upper and the Lower Egypt is meant and in which cases the foreign lands were included, because the kingship over Egypt and over a foreign land was not differentiated. One of the texts appears on the border stele of an expedition-leader Hor Hrw , erected according to the king s order at Wadi el- Hudi in the southern borderland outside Egypt.

The stele announces quite officially the universal power of the pharaoh: His of Senusert I S. His war-leaders are in Nebu 31 and the foreign countries. What does he see on coast and all deserts all what is encircled by the disc of sun belongs to him. To him the eye the eye of Horus S. A semantically similar cosmic designation from the time of Senusert I is recorded in Leather I: He Harachte as given me all what he protects and what is illuminated by the eye in him. On the Ureus-eye the eye of Harachte see Bonnet According to some Egyptologists this represents the swampy littoral of the Nile delta, which seems to me a rather debatable assumption.

See also note Rowe See also Omlin The passage from The story of Sinuhe note 27 resembles by content the Building Inscription of Senusert I at Heliopolis announcing among other things that His power has reached the heights of the sky! A similar impression was left by the self-glorifying pointing of Amenemhet I to the constellation of the Bear: With my strength and might I reached the constellation of the Bear see Stadnikov The upper part of stele of Hor depicts the goddess of Elephantine and spells the names of the king. Such a composition certainly required the highest authorisation for more on the subject see Demidchik In The Story of Sinuhe, written during the rule of Senusert I, the letter of the main hero to the king begins as follows: The copy of the answer to the decree.

The servant of the Palace Sinuhe says: In great and beautiful peace! It is wonderful that the flight that this servant made in ignorance is understood by thy Ka invisible double S. Let all the gods of Egypt and the islands in the sea give life and happiness to thee! Let the fear of thee the Egyptians imagined the king as the potentiality actualising punishment and mercy S. Thou hast subjected all what is embraced by the disc of Sun. B ; Koch B ; my own translation into Estonian in Stadnikov Below Sinuhe returns to the glorification of the king: May I be in the palace or may I be here, thou art he who covers the horizon.

The sun rises at thy will, the water in the river is drunken as thou orderest this, the air of the sky is breathed as thou biddest compare Bullock B ; Blumenthal For more on the fear and dread caused by the pharaoh see Morenz However, the short and expressive formula from the Old Kingdom period the lord of all foreign lands appears relatively rarely among the universalistic expressions of Senusert I. See more in Omlin According to Deineka b: However, the epithet was by no means unknown: Assmann presents the following conclusion for the period before the New Kingdom: Pharao ist also ein Weltherrscher.

Aber diese Welt ist ein mythischer, kein politischer Begriff. Er impliziert nicht das expansionistische Programm, erobend bis ans Ende der Welt vorzudringen. Die Grenzen der Welt liegen vor Augen: Die Grenzen umschreiben das Gebiet, in dem die Menschen wohnen Assmann For the connections between the Egyptian goddesses and the foreign countries see Demidchik Hathor the goddess of dance and love was widely worshipped outside Egypt by both the Egyptians and by the locals: On the top of the list stood the main over-egyptian deity the sun-god Ra and the gods closely connected to Thebes and the 11 th and 12 th dynasties: Montu and Amon see Yoyotte The Ennead, a theological concept first employed by the Heliopolis priests, denoted nine gods embodying the supernatural forces, who had created and were ruling the world.

Sopdu was the main god of the 20 th nome of the Lower Egypt and could have been of foreign origin: He was the patron of the Eastern desert, of the eastern part of Delta, and of the routes leading to the Red Sea and the quarries of Sinai see Borchardt Neferbau, meaning the perfect beautiful forces, was another protector of the eastern desert. All together, Sopdu, Neferbau, Semseru and Horus of the East appear in the Egyptian pantheon as the lords of the eastern desert and of the eastern lands in general. Sinuhe may point here to the lands he crossed during his journey and which stood under the protection of these deities.

The local goddess of Buto, or the Lady of Imet, protected according to Yoyotte The bulk of the gods probably designates the patrons of the Nile s upper course, serving and accompanying the water god Hapi Lefebvre Alexa Actionable Analytics for the Web.

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