Using Women: Gender, Drug Policy, and Social Justice: Gender, Drug Policy and Social Justice

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Nancy Campbell , Nancy Duff Campbell. From the s 'girl junkie' to the s 'crack mom', Using Women investigates how the cultural representations of women drug users have defined America's drug policies in this century. In analyzing the public's continued fear, horror and outrage wrought by the specter of women using drugs, Nancy Campbell demonstrates the importance that public opinion and popular culture have played in regulating women's lives.

The book will chronicle the history of women and drug use, provide a critical policy analysis of the government's drug policies and offer recommendations for the direction our current drug policies should take. Advertisement for antianxiety drug 2. A methamphetamine user 3. Advertisement for antianxiety drug Advertisement captioned Heroin is a religious experience Illustration from Trapped by the Poison Gas in Her.

Primitivism and orientalism continued to perform cultural work, serving as foils against which the modern Western subject was constituted. Popular and political concerns about the rising tide of drug addiction often accompany anxiety-provoking cultural shifts. The transfer of policy-making and administration to state and federal government bureaucracies modeled on capitalist enterprises was a key political achievement of the period.

This chapter demonstrates the convergence of these forces on the idea that addicts were inadequate to meet the demands of modernity, democracy, and capitalism. The s was a pivotal decade during which policy-makers explored a variety of directions, ranging from public health measures such as detoxification and 67 68 UsingWomen maintenance clinics in 44 cities across the nation to heightened law enforcement in the wake of the Harrison Act Narcotics law enforcement stepped up with the creation of a Narcotic Division within the Treasury Department, charged to enforce the Harrison Act.

Processes of cultural domination are formally rooted in institutional structures. This shift exposed a highly vulnerable, newly criminalized, and increasingly visible population of the urban poor to prosecution. Doremus and Webb et al. The class division was in turn gendered and racialized. Respectable white women addicts were constructed as tragic and innocent victims of unscrupulous doctors, while prostitutes and careless mothers were condemned.

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Kane agreed in Racial mixing troubled this hierarchy. Fears of miscegenation were often expressed through a parallel drawn between the white female population and men of color African-Americans, Chinese, and white ethnics. For instance, the American Pharmaceutical Association APA acquired influence over drug legislation by emphasizing the illegitimacy of interracial associations.

Already considered susceptible, white women personified these fears. Associations between racial mixing and narcotics use emerged in the legislative campaign that led to the passage of the Harrison Act. The ill-fated Foster Bill, defeated in , was an attempt to reduce the profit of retail sale of narcotics—most pharmacists and pharmaceutical manufacturers were understandably unfriendly to it.

However, Christopher Koch, M. He testified on behalf of the bill, differentiating between legitimate and illegitimate use. He associated illegitimate use with racial mixing: There is one particular house where I would say there are 20 white women living with Chinamen as their common-law wives. The Chinamen require these women to do no work, and they do nothing at all but smoke opium day and night.

Ultimately, they needed cocaine in order to function at all. Koch reinforced his verbal representation of orientalized decadence by demonstrating how to smoke opium. Adding racial details to his description, he began: Persons under the influence of it believe they are millionaires. They have an exaggerated ego. They imagine they can lift this building, if they want to, or can do anything they want to. They have no regard for right or wrong.

It produces a kind of temporary insanity. They would just as leave rape a woman as anything else and a great many of the southern rape cases have been traced to cocaine. Although Koch and Wright did not prevail in the Foster Bill hearings, Wright later capitalized on the images of interracial sexual relations and rape in the testimony leading to the Harrison Act.

Federal opiate controls finally passed with the Harrison Act of ,26 which overcame significant obstacles from white Westerners and Southern Democrats loathe to increase federal police powers. Racist fears of cultural contamination from sexual proximity between white women and men of color effectively overcame political resistance to the State Department agenda, a strategy that gained legislation where it might otherwise have foundered. Drugs were coded as a threat to modern civilization through their construction as a threat to white women, who occupied an ambivalent state.

Reformers also invoked the need to protect white women and children, hoping to rally support for their legislative agenda, a uniform state narcotics law. Reformers advocated federal restriction of drugs by drawing associations between drugs and crime, and racial mixing. By delving further into the reform discourse at the WNDA conference on Narcotics Education, the governing mentalities that shaped early-twentieth-century drug discourse become clear.

Social and Biological Reproduction Addiction emerged as a hybrid construct of vice, disease, and crime, a catchall category for moral, mental, or social inadequacy and sexual deviance. Drugs threatened civilization by working to level the naturalized hierarchy of distinctions between the sexes and races. The profits that spread human slavery in the past were small indeed compared to the vast profits that are now driving this latter slavery into the tissues of mankind.

The analogy between addiction and the traffic in women achieved several goals. The fear that loyalty to drugs subsumes all others is a perennial feature of political discourse on drugs. Coupled to the fear that white women Primitive Pleasures, Modern Poisons 73 might submit sexually—willingly or by force—to nonwhite men, submission was constructed as the sexual coercion of white women by men of color.

Thirdly, the analogy positioned white women as prey, thereby rescuing them from the position of predator. White men became the moral arbiters of white slavery, rendered vigorous, moral, and masterful through their protection of white women. Indeed, Sarah Graham-Mulhall argued: We had college men and college women addicts.

Gender, Drug Policy, and Social Justice

We had mother and grandmother addicts. Yes; we had capitalist addicts, editor addicts, lawyer addicts, writer addicts, and addicts engaged in preaching against addiction or professing to have been cured…. The anxiety about the pervasiveness of addiction among whites was projected onto white women, who were viewed as responsible for reproducing addiction. One quarter of addicts registered at the New York City clinic were women, three quarters of them white. Graham-Mulhall claimed that over half of the 1, registered female addicts were pregnant when the clinic closed, registering alarm about the extent of addiction and amplifying its threat by depicting addiction as reproducible across generations.

Her concerns, too, encoded anxieties about white racial decline. District Court judge who spoke at the WNDA conference dramatically recounted a story of a year-old, white, female narcotics user sentenced to prison. Wallis explained that the children of addicted mothers did not inherit addiction so much as a predisposition to it. What can society expect of children whose father and mother, or both, are criminal addicts?

How many generations will be poisoned by the offspring of this man and woman who are given entirely to the use of drugs and its attendant evils? Soon after telling Eddie she was pregnant, she drowned herself. Dwain and Hildegarde Esper released the film Narcotic amid controversy from state and local censor boards. Narcotics use was constructed as a maladaptive—if ubiquitous—response to modernity, of which complexity and efficiency were key elements. Reformers sometimes portrayed the economic effects of drugs as more significant than their moral effects. They linked productivity concerns to assessments of moral worth and mental fitness, marking the fear that some individuals simply could not contribute to the project of social reproduction.

Tapping the primitivizing register, Woods opposed simple premodern societies to complex civilizations: In civilized society, since members of groups are highly dependent upon one another, there must be self-control, and the individual must be ready to accept limitations of his freedom of action for the sake of the welfare of the body politic.

Whereas the social body needs members who face and accept responsibility, narcotics produces shirkers, searchers for privilege and self-gratification. Modern society faces evil days indeed if people cease paying heed to the obligations that they share as members of groups. In a complex civilization like ours, where the highest pitch of social efficiency is requisite, we cannot risk the lowering of standards which is involved in this baleful deflection of interests and ambitions. Reformers believed that narcotics dampened worldwide economic activity.

Frederick Wallis maintained that opium consumption was already excessive in the United States: What does this mean? Startling as it may seem, it means the entire nation paralyzed, and practically out of existence for seven whole days of each year. Can you imagine every railroad train at a standstill, rusting on the tracks for a week?

Every plow motionless in the furrow? Every vessel 76 UsingWomen in our lakes and every steamship in our ports of entry tied fast? No lights in the streets, in the office or home; all industry shut down; every human being in a state of coma; the country dead for over seven days? And who can figure what eight grains of opium per capita constitutes in economic, physical, and moral disaster? The Demon Flower unfolded as a series of cautionary tales, warning men and boys against the feminine.

Reputable colleges were scandalously awash in drugs: As to our boys in colleges and universities, too many are the unfortunate prey of dissolute women, who bind them to shameful secrecy of illicit relations, by the hideous fascination of drugs. Opium vampires embodied a particular brand of upper-class, white femininity— decadent, deceptive, and exotic.

In the upper strata of a society where money is plenty, where gayety and pleasure are the chief aims of life, the opium vampire is often bred. They bear the burden of representing both the physiological reproduction of addiction and the social dislocations of post modernity. The Demon Flower contrasted to the flatly scientific efforts of addiction researchers, whose efforts were summarized in an encyclopedic compendium produced under the auspices of the Bureau of Social Hygiene by Charles E.

The first report of its kind, The Opium Problem exceeded 1, pages and cited some 6, sources published between the s and Lawrence Kolb undertook the first systematic federal research on addiction in at the Hygienic Laboratories of the U. Public Health Service in Washington, D. Working for the Immigration Service at Ellis Island in , Kolb became intrigued with alcoholism and drug addiction. In he published three papers, including one that set out the K-classification scheme, used to categorize drug addicts for decades to follow.

Already he illustrated a racialized pattern of drug law enforcement that benefited whites and 80 UsingWomen targeted African-Americans. Drug users were responsible for few serious crimes: Narcotics charges, used to legislate morality as early as the mids, predominated. Addiction is only an incident in their delinquent careers, and the crimes they commit are not precipitated by the drugs they take.

Their respectability exempted them: Primitive Pleasures, Modern Poisons 81 Few studies of female addicts appeared prior to the s. Between the Harrison Act and the s, the ratio of male-to-female addicts changed from two-to-one to three-to-one, according to a study by Bingham Dai, a University of Chicago graduate student. He found that women comprised approximately 15 percent of drug peddlers, a rare clue that women took part in drug traffic.

While the absence of the father may leave its trace, the presence of the mother was highly influential in the etiology of addiction. However, broken homes of origin due to separation or divorce were not found in higher proportions among drug addicts than in the general population.

Such efforts supplied a counternarrative to the construction of addicts as predators but ultimately did not displace the dichotomy between predator and prey. White Slave Narratives and Masculine Adventure Stories While the federal mental health apparatus was gradually assembled, the law enforcement apparatus had consolidated its powers earlier, thanks largely to the untiring efforts of Harry J. Anslinger, a true crusader who became the nations foremost authority on drug law enforcement.

A diplomat to the United Nations, his name remains synonymous with repressive drug law enforcement today. He was a prolific 82 UsingWomen writer of popular fiction, speeches, radio addresses, articles in law, criminology, and medical journals, and loosely factual narratives about the heroics of drug law enforcement. In response, Anslinger cultivated the press and exposed horse-doping at race tracks. His characters were allegorical figures that encoded a symbolic threat to the existing moral order.

They figured in parables about the effect on adolescent girls and their parents of drug laws and policies, enforcement agencies, and budget appropriations. They were not his alone— the same tenets were echoed in testimony, the popular press, and scientific studies.

Women occupy only two positions in this imaginary— total guilt or complete innocence, predator or prey. Walker, chief of California narcotics enforcement, said: These accounts suggest that young girls and women served as representative innocents in mobilizing public sentiment see Figure The bodies of addicted girls sold into sexual slavery worked to direct law enforcement toward men of color.

Hohlfelder turned over the heroin she was carrying and offered to give the agents an additional capsule she had left behind at her apartment. Two young white girls, Agnes Taylor and Doloris King, who were not addicts but who lived in the apartment building, were called as material witnesses. Reprinted from True Crime Detective magazine, This round of interviews turned up more white women who frequented the Gin apartment.

Gene Nash and Marie Jay Vecchio were also called as material witnesses. Oyler, drew quite consciously on the white slavery narrative. The girls testified to the sale of heroin and smoking opium, the odor of which the agents had detected. Contact between the girls and Chinese men took place in Chinese groceries, restaurants, and homes.

Using women : gender, drug policy, and social justice

She too corroborated the allegation that Gin had asked her to recruit young girls who were not yet addicted to induce them to use drugs. This time he was sentenced to ten years on eight counts, pleading guilty to the purchase, sale, and distribution of narcotics.

He and his companions had an insatiable lust for white girls. Many times he tried his wiles on me, but he was repulsive and I told him so. On one occasion he tried to force me to accede to his bestial desires.

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Guess I beat him up pretty badly before he quit. The usual procedure was to get the girls hopped up by hitting the pipe or on heroin and then get them to remove their clothing and 88 UsingWomen pose for him. Prostitution and interracial sex held considerable fascination for Anslinger as a writer. To think that it could exist in the heart of the community is almost beyond human comprehension.

This is the sort of thing that every decent citizen fears when he thinks of the Chinese quarters of the city. It is responsible for the feeling that now and then rises against the most honorable upright Chinese. The most horrible feature of it is the enticement of respectable young girls to the orgies of your criminal den. Anslinger implicated Chinese tongs and family associations in the seduction of white teenage girls: The Chinese not only dealt with prostitutes imported from Asia; many of their customers developed a liking for Caucasian girls. The result, I learned, was a primitive Chinese-American call-girl organization loosely interlaced through Chinese Family associations and the tongs.

The tale began in impenetrable mystery. Their dream-girl daughters were granted another chance to fulfill a destiny more befitting of their race, class, and gender. And I was kissing him as I had never kissed anybody before. He will be caught at the same thing again. Congress felt very strongly that the death penalty should be applied in such cases, but public opinion forced them to withdraw the provision.

What do you 90 UsingWomen think? The last paragraph illustrates the narrative use to which the allegorical figures of Anslinger s imaginary were put. The characters encode arguments, sociological claims, and political positions that justify the policies that Anslinger advocates, and convince the public that his path is righteous.

The images that Anslinger amassed in his scrapbooks and displayed in his masculine adventure stories indicate the extent to which cases from the s and prewar s guided him. They illustrated a pattern by which threats of subversion, deception, and disorder were coded as feminine and foreign. Addiction was consistently characterized as threatening to modernity, democracy, and capitalism—rather than produced by them or endemic to them. The effects of these larger forces and social processes on individual lives were left unexplored in favor of a lurid fascination with narcotics and the construction of drug use as a form of political subversion.

Women played only two roles—the calculating predator or the unwitting prey. These cultural processes kindled a lingering emotional charge, an aura of urgency, and the sense that democracy, capitalism, and modernity—the foundations of the United States of America itself—were under siege. The leveling, intermixing, and disinhibiting aspects of drug use remain staple concerns in drug discourses. The idea that white women were fascinated with dope and so vulnerable to it persisted.

Together they crafted a discursive shift away from older psychoanalytic narratives of desire, craving, and moral deterioration to the new concept of addiction as a pathological response to stress. Drugs are both natural and artificial, a practice of the self and a technique of othering. Their use entailed the incorporation of foreign substances, rendering addicts self and other, male and female, white and black.

In the s these threatening hybrids were conflated with anti-American political ideology. Scientific and popular representations of s drug addicts cast them as a foreign presence, a signal that trouble from elsewhere was infiltrating American cities and psyches. These meanings vary according to substance, user population, and techniques of use. Policy responses range from inclusion to exclusion, quarantine to reintegration, normalization to demonization. They are based on interpretations of the meaning of drug use and the nature of drug users as well as assessments about the role of the liberal state in regulating individuals.

The decision to exclude or include addicts—as human beings, members of a culture, and persons deserving of social benefits—was at issue in mid-twentiethcentury social policy, and remains so today. Did it matter who they were—young or old, male or female? Addiction was constructed both as an expression of alienation and a source of potential infection to be contained through moral resolve, interdiction, repressive force, or an escalating series of punishments.

Others argued that addicts deserved treatment, which has varied in content and form. These disagreements, acrimonious as they were, arose from different conceptualizations of addiction. The actual diversity of views demonstrates how basic assumptions about addiction and drug users govern policy decisions and political discourse. The Kefauver Hearings and the Boggs Act National attention to adolescent narcotics use arose in the first nationally televised congressional hearings before the Senate Crime Investigating Committee and the Subcommittee to Investigate Juvenile Delinquency see Figure The hearings stimulated intense fervor among an estimated 20 to 30 million viewers.

The mention of teenage drug addiction before the Kefauver Crime Committee primed the pump for the November 2, , passage of the Boggs Act, which mandated minimum sentences for the first time in U. Goldstein in the summer of Mandatory minimums aimed to deter drug trafficking by escalating its risks through enhanced, predictable sentences. The national coverage centered on two cases. The first was that of a year-old prostitute who was a former model and a graduate of Oberlin Conservatory; the second a sixteen-year-old high school girl from the Bronx.

Support for mandatory minimums was partially mobilized on the basis of gender—these girls were prey who became predators. Some subcommittee members protested the burden this placed on innocent defendants. Only by taking a strong stand for the right can we hope to make this great country strong enough to resist its foes from outside and, as important, from within our borders. Representative Thompson DTX worried that fathers might commit crimes against dope peddlers who led their daughters astray.

While some found addicts insignificant, others attributed grave danger to them. They included Representative Celler D-NY , who argued that mandatory sentences would result in the miscarriage of justice and prison overcrowding already a concern. There was scant acknowledgment that the development of drug markets responded to larger political-economic patterns and social conditions—such as urban poverty, undereducation, and youth unemployment.

Addicts were understood to come from places where schools were inadequate, housing and recreational facilities deteriorated, and living conditions wretched. The frustration of social deprivation was widely understood to provide an opening for drug markets. Policy-makers acknowledged that there was not enough prison space, nor enough room in the 96 UsingWomen federal narcotics treatment hospitals, nor enough appropriations to customs officials to deal with the ongoing problem. The Boggs Act disregarded these problems in favor of the policy of incarceration. Legislators understood that a certain amount of political theater was central to how juvenile delinquency played on the national stage.

Many felt that the Kefauver Committee was a just publicity gimmick.

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Girls and persons of color were simply sexier, more exotic, and more intriguing subjects of vice. Where white women once symbolized addiction, youth now played that role. According to Kefauver and Anslinger, mandatory minimums had taken older drug peddlers off the streets, leaving teenagers to perform criminal actions. Rather than use this insight to argue against the unintended and deleterious effects of mandatory minimums, they used to bolster attention to juvenile delinquency, which was dwindling by the mids.

They also blamed communism for increased drug traffic and use in capitalist democracies.

With the end of World War II and the full control of China by the Communists, the United States and other nations suddenly found an alarming rise of heroin addiction. It is well known that heroin of almost pure strength became a principal export of the Communists from Red China; that the manufacture and export of enslaving drugs has been vigorously encouraged by the Communists where they gained control of satellites. Drug addiction in the free nations is a subtle and diabolical form of conquest in which the victims pay for their own enslavement. This is even more cruel and mind destroying that [sic] the techniques devised by the masters of the Kremlin to force the innocent to confess crimes punishable by death.

The export of narcotics brings about mass self-destruction among peoples marked for slavery by the Red imperialists. Both communism and organized crime implied a subject loyal to a shadowy syndicate that would stop at nothing to undermine democratic law and order. Anslinger painted his opponents as anti-American, communist sympathizers who were soft on crime, thus hindering the effectiveness of arguments from more tolerant quarters. The Kefauver hearings solidly situated the narcotics traffic in the context of domestic fears of communism, juvenile delinquency, and organized crime. Instead addicts are viewed as a fundamentally separate class.

The Cold War structured drug policy, science, and culture through an enduring discourse of siege. The debate over whether addiction was a crime or a disease was a debate over which authority was to preside over it. The cultural figuration of drug users was also complicated by differential racial, economic, and sexual histories. In the Cold War context, the restoration of paternal authority, maternal submission, and normative heterosexuality were antidotes against addiction.

Using Women: Gender, Drug Policy, and Social Justice by Nancy D. Campbell

Reporting rising narcotics use among adolescents, the New York City Probation Department and the Welfare Council sought to arouse popular interest in drug treatment. The Police Department increased the number of drug enforcement officers from eighteen to over 50 that year. In September, the supervisor of the New York State Training School for Girls sought help for four girl drug addicts, tipping the balance toward a full-scale public inquiry.

Several public events showcased expert knowledge and guided the formation of public policy responses in and The academy conferences were designed to overcome the weaknesses of the previous efforts, which were considered cursory by Hubert S. Collectively, these public events aired many views on the causes and consequences of drug addiction and the cultural significance of adolescent addiction. Thus the discursive construction of addiction among women and children is meaningful in a way that its construction among men is not.

Because men have comprised most addicted persons in the twentieth century, the repetitive return to the figure of the female addict to encode declining morality, the uncivilizing effects of drugs, and alarm for the future is striking. It is based less on demographics than on the meanings at play in our particular regime of truth.

If drugs express something of the truth of the self, drug-using women and children express core cultural concerns about social and biological reproduction. Thinking or talking about drug use was considered an act of disloyalty in and of itself: While we occupy ourselves with civil defense preparations against a possible enemy attack from abroad, we should not ignore the enemy within our borders. Anslinger in turn encouraged Baldwin to support five-year mandatory minimum sentences and a quarantine ordinance: We find that most young people who have become addicted acquired this habit not because of ignorance of consequences, but rather because they had learned too much about the effects of drugs.

When young people gather and talk about the horrors of narcotics, addiction usually follows because of the tendency to try it for a thrill. Warning does not deter them, it merely places it in their thoughts. The New York Academy of Medicine Conferences The New York Academy of Medicine offered a public health framework that exemplified the spirit of postwar scientific optimism and the vogue for interdisciplinary inquiry. Drug use indicated emotional instability, psychoneurosis, frustration, or psychopathic deviation: For Seevers, the primary disease was magnified levels of social stress in excess of adolescent coping skills.

Frequently the result is a well-nigh spineless being in whom the sinews of personality are flaccid at best. Maladjustment resulted from low degrees of moral resistance and immunity imbued by the mother. The figure of the adolescent drug user exemplified immaturity and inadequacy—but also encoded a particular threat that was gendered masculine except in a few venues.

The Aftermath in New York City: The American Bar Association New York City and state were a locus for addiction and talk about its causes and effects throughout the s. The ABA was drawn into the drug policy debate for several reasons, among them the threat that mandatory minimum sentences represented to judicial autonomy. In a public hearing of the ABA Joint Legislative Committee on Narcotic Study in , some 35 key players from the earlier scare testified to their experience over the past seven years.

The question of female addicts was more directly addressed in this hearing than in any other public gathering of the s. They were segregated and subjected to a psychiatric and sociological treatment regimen that included occupational therapy and after care. They have no real family life or supervision.

Their family is working outside the home. Indeed, Judge Kross bravely stated her belief that the maintenance clinics of the s were medically and philosophically sound, although badly administered. They must remain in approved homes, support their dependents, report as directed, and answer all questions put to them by their supervising officer.

The officers did not shirk from arguing the importance of reestablishing control over these individuals. In a rare mention of children born to drug-addicted women, another set of addicts emerged in the ABA hearing: Women entered drug discourse primarily as mothers in the problematic family configurations that generated addiction. Youthful behavior was closely scrutinized in the public and policy-making panic of the early s, which focused on urban males of African-American, African-Caribbean, and Puerto Rican descent.

The possibility that male adolescent addicts might someday become productive citizens diverted resources and attention from the majority of drug users—who were not adolescent boys. Older populations were written off as intractable or incurable. The emphasis on addiction as a male pathology governed resource allocation, admissions quotas, patterns of scientific inquiry, and cultural representations.

The rest of this chapter analyzes the relationship between addiction and masculinity in relation to femininity within The Road to H. The classic study was one of the only studies to address addiction among women and girls, and I address its implications for knowledge about female addicts in Chapter 6. Articulating social tensions around issues of dependency and autonomy, the figure of the drug user—gendered and racialized—served cultural functions beyond those of drug control.

Global fears and shifts in social-economic relations contextualized the rise in adolescent addiction. While it was unclear whether drug use was a cause or an effect of such shifts, increasing addiction was strongly associated with changing social conditions and child-rearing practices. Within the prevailing economy of normativity and the desire for security, parents were supposed to optimize individual adjustment and autonomy by suppressing dependency.

As drug policy critics, Chein and coauthors appeared to offer knowledge in an attempt to forestall the policymaking panic that struck New York City in the early to mids. Personality maladjustment was integral to the social-psychiatric model of addiction that the book offered. These governing mentalities were assumed but left unstated in later drug discourse. These assumptions undergird contemporary drug knowledges, public policy, empirical studies, and addict self-representations. This section contains a gender analysis of the structural and psychodynamic perspectives on addict personality in The Road to H, concentrating first on the portrayal of masculinity and mother-son relations.

Stress and anxiety occupied a positive, productive, and adaptive role in The Road to H: It included several degrees of psychopathology: Adopted to dispel the idea that addiction resulted from one set of personality characteristics or conflicts, the schema emerged from clinical observation, interviews, and psychological testing. The results were cast into a psychoanalytic framework the team used to categorize behavior, generate hypotheses, shape interpretations, and support speculations.

Thus research design, fieldwork, and presentation of data, case studies, tables, and classification systems depended on psychoanalytic theory, a debt somewhat obscured by the methods of experimental psychology. Those who held psychiatric explanations were put on the defensive. Completed under the auspices of the U. Emily added it Apr 22, Johan marked it as to-read Jun 22, Rashaad is currently reading it Oct 27, Vanessa marked it as to-read Nov 10, Annabelle marked it as to-read Apr 01, Heather marked it as to-read Jun 18, Charlie marked it as to-read Jun 21, Anuttam Reddy marked it as to-read Oct 19, Mabel Jansen marked it as to-read Nov 08, Erica Reichert marked it as to-read Jan 21, Katherine marked it as to-read May 17, Beth Rambo marked it as to-read Jul 08, Harmony Rodriguez marked it as to-read Jul 20, Becky marked it as to-read Oct 21, Shane O'B marked it as to-read Nov 07, Julia Duncan marked it as to-read Feb 20, Arwen Miller marked it as to-read Feb 24, Ashley added it Apr 27, ARG Library added it Dec 14, Chase marked it as to-read Mar 13, There are no discussion topics on this book yet.

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