Awake And Upgrade Now (German Edition)
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"awake" in Polish
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Cyprus maintains good relations with the United Kingdom, which pledged to secure the territorial integrity of the island under the treaties signed in Having implemented an arms embargo on Cyprus in , the US remains unable to supply materiel to any military forces in Cyprus other than UN units. The country believes that greater integration of European armed forces would improve its security. As a consequence, Cyprus has a positive attitude towards PESCO, participating in a large number of projects for a country its size. Cypriot leaders believe that, in the long run, the EU will maintain a good level of security cooperation with the US only if it increasingly becomes a credible and autonomous foreign policy and security player, both in its neighbourhood and globally.
In cooperation with Greece, it has set up two trilateral dialogues with Israel and Egypt separately to address crises in the region. There is a gap between the Czech public and the Czech government in perceptions of security threats. The public are most concerned about migration and terrorist attacks, while the government is aware that the Czech Republic is neither a popular destination for migrants nor priority target for terrorists. The Czech political establishment regards Russia and jihadists as the most threatening actors their country faces. Prague also engages in close security cooperation with Bratislava and Warsaw, with which it has many shared security interests and threat perceptions.
Prague sees Paris as another important partner, mostly because of French security capabilities and leadership within the EU.
However, the Czech Republic has perceived the US as its main security guarantor during the last three decades, despite the fact that their bilateral cooperation has declined in recent years. Nonetheless, there is a consensus among Czech civilian and military leaders that, in the long run, the EU should play an active role in developing European military and crisis management capabilities.
Prague remains wary of European defence industry cooperation, fearing that this could weaken the defence industrial base of the Czech Republic and other small EU countries. The Danish political establishment is most concerned about terrorist attacks and cyber attacks, followed by uncontrolled migration, the potential disintegration of the European Union, and the deterioration of the rules-based international order.
These fears are partly linked to the EU refugee crisis, which led to several thousand refugees entering Denmark in late According to its latest annual intelligence report, Denmark sees jihadists as the most threatening actors it faces. The country has become more alert to this threat since joining the coalition fighting against the Islamic State group, and since learning that more than Danes have fought alongside extremist groups in Iraq and Syria many of them have returned home.
Denmark has experienced two jihadist operations in recent years: Denmark also views Russia as a major threat although Danish parties on the extreme right and extreme left are less concerned about this than their mainstream counterparts. There is a widespread concern among Danes that, as the only other country with an opt-out from the military aspects of the Common Security and Defence Policy, Denmark could lose influence within the EU after Brexit — and that strained EU-UK relations could have negative consequences for Danish security more broadly.
Denmark and the United States have long maintained a close alliance. However, Copenhagen has started to recognise the need for Europe to take more responsibility for its own security, particularly given the growing assertiveness of Russia, the terrorist threat, a rise in uncontrolled migration, and the unpredictability of the US administration. The Danes are discussing the possibility of a referendum on repealing the measure, which could enable Denmark to participate in EU security and defence integration there is only a slim prospect that such a referendum will take place and allow for the repeal of the opt-out.
Estonia is one of two EU member states that see external meddling in domestic politics as its most significant security threat the other is Lithuania. Estonians expect external meddling in domestic politics to remain a leading security threat in the next decade, although they suspect that issues such as economic instability and uncontrolled migration will also become important.
Estonia has long seen the Russian government as far more of a threat to its security than any other actor. It expects this to remain the case during the next decade. Estonians believe that powers such as China and Turkey — and even the United States — may increasingly come to be threats in the next decade. Tallinn believes that it may have to make concessions to the Trump administration to ensure that the US remains engaged with European security. Like their counterparts in most other EU countries, the Estonian establishment largely perceives the EU as a transatlantic geopolitical project that has NATO as its backbone.
The Estonian establishment views efforts to strengthen defence industry cooperation within the EU as primarily a way to enhance European defence cooperation more broadly — rather than as an economic opportunity or threat. Finland perceives the most significant threats to its security as being inter-state war, cyber attacks, and external meddling in domestic politics. It is one of eight EU countries that consider there to be a significant risk of an inter-state war the others are Greece, Cyprus, Romania, Poland, Lithuania, France, and the United Kingdom.
Finland key foreign, security, and defence policy assessments portray Russia as the most threatening actor it faces. Finland sees neither China nor the United States as threats, and it maintains amicable relations with Turkey. Finland views Sweden as an essential security partner due to their bilateral defence cooperation and joint territorial defence exercises , as it does Germany and the UK having established framework agreements with both countries.
Helsinki also views the Dutch as close partners on EU security and defence policy. Nonetheless, it perceives Washington as its most important security partner; the advent of the Trump administration has not significantly changed this. Although Finland signed a new statement of intent on defence cooperation with the US and Sweden in May , Finnish politics remains divided over whether to apply for NATO membership a split that dates back to the s. Parts of the Finnish political leadership openly support the move, but most Finns oppose it.
Regarding the EU as a form of security community, Finland strongly supports the development of EU security and defence policy, as well as European defence cooperation. The Finnish government has been very supportive of PESCO, even though it has few expectations of the initiative — a stance reflected in its modest level of participation in the first round of PESCO projects. France perceives terrorism and cyber attacks as the most significant threats to its security.
Unlike other large EU member states, France perceives the return of military competition and inter-state war as a genuine threat. Paris regards all these threats as having intensified in the past decade, expecting them to remain acute or even rise in the next decade. France sees itself as highly resilient against the threats it faces, particularly military attacks on its territory and disruptions in the energy supply.
Due to the recent terrorist attacks on Paris, Nice, and other parts of France, the French government sees jihadist groups from Syria, Iraq, and the Sahel region, as well as Europe as posing the most pressing threat it confronts. It also regards Russia and North Korea as significant threats. France believes that Russia is most likely to attack the EU through economic warfare, cyber operations, information warfare, and interference in domestic politics. It expects the threat from Russia to recede over the next decade but that from international criminal groups to increase in the period.
Paris perceives the transatlantic relationship as important, with the United States contributing to French national security through high-level political coordination at the UN Security Council and elsewhere. France engages in technical military and intelligence cooperation with the US in expeditionary operations, including Barkhane in the Sahel and Chammal in Syria and Iraq.
France wants to maintain its close defence and security relationship with the UK through bilateral cooperation after Brexit. A leader in establishing PESCO, France sees the initiative as a significant step forward for European defence and coordination between European countries more broadly if not as far-reaching as it originally hoped. Paris regards efforts to strengthen defence industry cooperation in the EU through the European Defence Fund as beneficial so long as they only boost European companies rather than European subsidiaries of external companies and enhance European strategic autonomy.
Despite its size, economic power, and geopolitical strength, Germany feels vulnerable to a wide variety of new and traditional threats. It also regards cyber attacks, external meddling in domestic politics, and the deterioration of the rules-based international order as serious threats. Berlin sees uncontrolled migration, along with its root causes and effects, as the principle stability risk Europe faces.
Berlin believes that all these threats have intensified since Germany sees Russia and, to a lesser extent, China as the most threatening actors it confronts. This has far-reaching implications for security in Europe and thus for the security of Germany.
France perceives terrorism and cyber attacks as the most significant threats to its security. It also perceives China as somehow a threat, particularly in relation to cyber security. Paris perceives the transatlantic relationship as important, with the United States contributing to French national security through high-level political coordination at the UN Security Council and elsewhere. For example, most heroin smuggled into Europe moves through the region. The Irish government also worries about a growing threat from homegrown jihadists, including those returning home after fighting in foreign conflicts. Fear of terrorism is particularly evident in larger countries and those that have recently experienced terrorist attacks the UK, France, Spain, Germany, Denmark, and Belgium. These 11 countries might be more supportive of a Europe-wide military build-up while the others might judge it unnecessary.
Berlin perceives Iran as a potential risk due to questions around its involvement in arms proliferation and the destabilisation of the Middle East, but not as a pressing issue. Germany views France as its most important security partner by far. The countries generally cooperate closely within an EU framework, often basing their security partnership on a shared willingness to promote the Common Security and Defence Policy CSDP.
However, due to the growing risk that the US security guarantee will lose its credibility, German leaders largely agree that they need to enhance and modernise national defence capabilities while also promoting closer CSDP cooperation. The German government is hugely supportive of EU security and defence integration, believing that it is central to German security. It is about a Europe that can mobilize more military weight; that is more independent and can assume more responsibility — in the end, also in NATO. As it prepares to end its third financial bailout programme, Greece continues to see economic instability as one of the top threats to its security.
It is equally concerned about inter-state war, uncontrolled migration, and terrorist attacks among other EU countries, only Poland sees inter-state war as top threat. Greeks fear not just his neo-Ottoman regional aspirations but also his ambivalence to the EU-Turkey refugee agreement. Greece perceives Turkey as the most threatening actor it faces, despite the fact that they are both members of NATO among other EU countries, only Cyprus and Bulgaria regard Turkey as at least a significant threat.
There is greater tension between Athens and Ankara than at any time since , when Erdogan came to power. The Greek government also sees international criminal organisations and jihadists as major threats, fearing that these actors will enter Greece from Turkey by using the refugee crisis as cover. Athens does not view China or Russia as threats although Russia is a divisive issue in Greek politics.
Greece sees France and Germany as its most important European security partners, having bought military equipment from both countries. Greece also closely cooperates with Cyprus and Italy, often joining them in military exercises that involve Israel and the United States as well. Greece prioritises security cooperation with the US as a hedge against potential Turkish aggression, engaging in efforts such as the modernisation of F fighters, and diplomacy to discourage military deals between Washington and Ankara. Due to the movement of large numbers of refugees and other migrants through Hungary in , Hungarian leaders perceive uncontrolled migration as one of the most significant threats to national security.
Hungary also perceives major threats from: Hungarian leaders see jihadists and international criminal organisations as the most threatening actors it faces.
The nightmare of the dark: The security fears that keep Europeans awake at night
The Hungarian government is particularly concerned about instability in the Middle East and north Africa, and the effects this has on migration flows to Europe. Nonetheless, there are fundamental differences on this issue across the political spectrum: Unlike other EU countries, Hungary is most concerned that the EU and its supporters — rather than Russia or China — will meddle in its domestic politics.
Budapest views Berlin as its most important European security partner. Hungary has engaged in extensive military cooperation with Italy, focused on land forces, in the past two decades. Budapest also sees Vienna as a crucial partner within a central European defence cooperation group that is preparing a joint project for the next round of PESCO.
Having centred its security and defence policy on NATO, Hungary is unenthusiastic about European defence integration, fearing that this will compete with the alliance. Hungary hopes that PESCO will strengthen European security and defence cooperation, as well as European security capabilities — not least because it believes that the EU should address the refugee crisis by defending its borders. Ireland is very concerned that Brexit will exacerbate the other national security threats it confronts, particularly that from terrorism. Therefore, Ireland does not see uncontrolled migration as a threat to national security.
Dublin perceives the terrorism threat primarily in unionist and republican paramilitary organisations that reject the Good Friday Agreement, and that may become more active if the UK and the European Union impose controls on their border after Brexit. The Irish government also worries about a growing threat from homegrown jihadists, including those returning home after fighting in foreign conflicts. Nonetheless, Ireland does not see itself as an obvious target of aggression. Although it does not officially depend on the US security guarantee, Ireland has long benefited from American engagement with European security.
Ireland engages in intelligence sharing with the United States, perceiving exchanges on cyber security as particularly important. Irish leaders support PESCO, seeing it as beneficial for national security not just in defence cooperation but also in strengthening the EU following Brexit.
However, PESCO does not alter the fact that Irish troops will only be deployed abroad with government approval, the endorsement of parliament, and UN authorisation. Viewing all three as intrinsically linked, Rome has become more worried about these threats since and expects them to persist at roughly their current level in the next decade. Rome feels most vulnerable to disruptions in the energy supply because of its dependence on other countries for oil and gas, the volatility of energy prices, and political instability in major energy-producing countries. Italy regards international criminal organisations, jihadists, and North Korea as the most threatening actors it faces.
This perception has persisted since , and is likely to continue to do so until at least In the case of Iran, the Italian political elite is in favour of maintaining strong relations with Tehran and therefore fears the effects of the US withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal on stability in the Middle East. Unlike most other EU member states, Italy does not see Russia as a major threat.
Video: pronunciation of 'awake'
Rome believes that there is a moderate risk of Russian interference in Italy through cyber attacks, disruptions in the energy supply, and information warfare, but little threat from Moscow in other areas. Italian political parties take roughly the same line on Russia, albeit while adopting different tones. Nonetheless, Italy and France signed the Quirinal Treaty in January , aiming to improve their relationship. Most Italian political parties view the United States as an essential security partner: Italian leaders perceive these goals as increasingly important due to the unpredictability of the current US administration.
What does the country fear? Latvia perceives the main threats to its security as being external meddling in its domestic politics and — partly due to operations targeting computer networks in neighbouring Estonia in — cyber attacks. The Latvian government is working to boost national resilience against such attacks, which it sees as relatively cheap and difficult to attribute, yet dangerous for a small state that is increasingly dependent on digital networks.
"awake" translation into Polish
Due to the rhetoric of several politicians, many Latvians have begun to see unmanaged migration as a threat. Latvia no longer sees economic instability as an important a threat as it did in — a perception that has changed largely because of its successful handling of the financial crisis. Latvia views neighbouring Russia as the most threatening actor it confronts. Both events spurred the Latvian government to increase military spending. Riga initially feared that Brexit would destabilise the European security framework. The deployment of US military personnel and equipment to Latvia since has made the US even more central to Latvian security and defence.
Like other Baltic states, Latvia perceives an increasing need for the EU to become more responsible for its own security, albeit while ensuring that NATO remains the backbone of European security. Lithuania perceives external meddling in its domestic politics as the most significant threat to its security. Only one other EU country, Estonia, attaches as much importance to the issue.
Vilnius also sees cyber attacks, along with the potential outbreak of an inter-state war involving the country or its allies, as major security threats. However, new investments, as well as a recent agreement with the United States on gas imports via the Klaipeda terminal, have made this threat less acute. Lithuania views Russia as the most threatening actor it faces. Lithuanian political parties differ on how best to deal with Russia: The Lithuanian security community also sees Belarus as a threat due to its increasing dependence on Russia.
Lithuania considers Germany to be its essential security partner in Europe, due to its economic strength and its leadership of the NATO Enhanced Forward Presence battalion stationed in Lithuania. Washington has also supported the modernisation of the Lithuanian armed forces since Like their counterparts in other Baltic states, political elites in Lithuania see the EU mostly as a transatlantic geopolitical project that has NATO as its backbone.
Luxembourg sees the deterioration of the rules-based international order as the main threat to its security, expecting cyber attacks and climate change to become increasingly significant concerns in the long run. Luxembourgish leaders fear economic instability far less than they did in Luxembourg views jihadists as more threatening to its security than any other actor — albeit only a moderate threat.
The country also perceives international criminal organisations and Iran as moderate threats. Luxembourg regards neighbouring Germany, France, and Belgium as its main security partners, and the Netherlands as an important security partner. Luxembourg hopes that the European Union and the United Kingdom will maintain a strong security partnership after Brexit. It sees defence industry cooperation in the EU as a way to strengthen European defence cooperation more broadly.
Luxembourg would welcome further investment in the German armed forces. It spends more on development assistance than it does on defence. Due to its location, Malta sees conflicts in the Middle East and north Africa as the greatest threat to its national security. These conflicts hinder Maltese trade, empower terrorist organisations, and drive refugees into Europe.
Malta also sees these refugee flows as one of the most significant threats to its security, mostly because of the difficulty of controlling the number of people entering the country. English alert alive arouse awaken come alive wake wake up waken. Context sentences Context sentences for "awake" in Polish These sentences come from external sources and may not be accurate. English Does thinking about this, knowing that this is happening in the world, not keep us awake at night?
English Laughter On five, four, three, two, one -- open your eyes, wide awake. English And this is, of course, as you can see, the awake is the orange. English When I was awake , with the camera around my neck. English And I'm just curious whether you sometimes lie awake in the night worrying that you've opened Pandora's box. English Wherefore [he] saith, Awake , thou that sleepest, and arise from the dead, and Christ shall shine upon thee.
English Because it not only helps you with quantifying your sleep, but also tells others you're awake. English Within 15 minutes dogs are normally awake and standing.
English So, when my wife came in and she could tell you're awake. English Stir up thyself, and awake to the justice [due] unto me, [Even] unto my cause, my God and my Lord.