Ich habe abgeschworen: Warum ich für die Freiheit und gegen den Islam kämpfe (German Edition)

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Als das genetische Experiment eines gierigen Unternehmens schief geht, mutieren George und andere Tiere im ganzen Land zu aggressiven Superkreaturen, die in der Stadt Chaos stiften. In einem adrenalingeladenen rasanten Abenteuer versucht Davis, ein Gegenmittel zu finden, um nicht nur eine globale Katastrophe zu stoppen, sondern auch die furchterregende Kreatur zu retten, die einst sein Freund war.

Das Spiel ist erst zu Ende, wenn alle Spieler tot sind! Von der Kritik und einem weltweiten Publikum gefeiert, ist dies der Film, den man dieses Jahr unbedingt gesehen haben muss. Ruby Scott ist verzweifelt: Dabei braucht sie dringend einen Job.

Doch sie ahnt nicht, dass Bane kein Geringerer ist als der Typ von der Party Zwischen Liebe und dem Wunsch nach Freiheit: Denn mehr noch als nach seiner Liebe, sehnt sie sich nach ihrer Freiheit Wer liest, hat mehr vom Leben: Doch als sie mit letzter Kraft das romantische Haus erreicht, bricht sie zusammen: Was ist nur mit ihr geschehen? Trey ahnt nicht, dass Jane beschlossen hat, ihn mit den Waffen einer Frau zu erobern. Kommissar Morry ist eine Serie von Kriminalromanen mit allen Zutaten klassischer Detektivgeschicten im englischen Stil. Die Romane erschienen in den er Jahren und spiegeln ihre Zeit wieder.

Buch 4 erscheint bald. War der One-Night-Stand eine gute Idee? Hier kann die Lesezeit sehr schnell verfliegen!

iTunes is the world's easiest way to organize and add to your digital media collection.

Ich kann mich nicht erinnern, wann ich beim Lesen eines Romans das letzte Mal laut lachen musste! Aber diese beiden Autorinnen schaffen es eine Liebesgeschichte, viel Humor und einen guten Schuss Erotik unter einen Hut zu bringen. Eine rundum gelungene Mischung!

Die Funken zwischen ihr und Cole sind nur so geflogen. Ich kann dieses Buch sehr empfehlen.

bahana-line.com: Sina Vogt: Books, Biography, Blogs, Audiobooks, Kindle

Dieses Buch hat mir einen Tag gerettet. Kerstin M auf NetGalley. Jetzt ist sie arbeitslos und praktisch pleite, also braucht sie neue Klienten, oder sie muss bei ihrer alten Firma wieder um einen Job betteln. Dann aber werden zwei Mitarbeiter der Firma brutal ermordet, und aus Kats Eifer wird bald schon Entsetzen.

Jeder, der es lebendig heraus schafft, wird die Antworten auf die Fragen finden, nach denen die Gladers suchen, seit sie das erste Mal im Labyrinth ankamen. According to a representative survey of the Emnid-Institut, conducted beginning of September, 18 percent of Germans would vote for a political protest party headed by Thilo Sarrazin. The SPD has meanwhile also started proceedings to expel him from the party.

The Green Party has a multiculturalist approach with regard to immigration, which signifies a culture of respect, Thilo Sarrazin a: Deutschland schafft sich ab — Wie wir unser Land aufs Spiel setzen. This vision requires improved inter-religious and intercultural dialogues instead of clashes of cultures and religions. Thus, the Greens intend to democratically realize the multi-cultural reality in the German society and further integration instead of assimilation.

The aim is thus full participation of Muslims in society with all rights and obligations that other non-Muslim citizens have. Sweeping defamations about Muslims in the public sphere and the media are said to only serve to fuel fears and create enemy stereotypes, which is counterproductive to all integration efforts and for the inter-faith dialogue. According to the Green politicians the fight against Islamophobia should therefore be integrated into the political agenda of the Federal government. The election of a German of Turkish descent as one of the leaders of a German political party was understandably hailed as an important milestone in German politics.

They believe that the presence of Islam and Muslims and the normal social intercourse with them is part of the reality in the immigration country Germany and therefore try to build bridges between the different segments of the population through dialogue and integration of the minority groups. A differentiated approach to Islam taking into account the everyday life of Muslims living in Germany is therefore required. However, also radical right-wing parties like the NPD have discovered the topic of Islamophobia for themselves and compete with the populist parties for supremacy over the issue.

According to neo-Nazi expert As a demonstrative example for German right-wing extremist parties I chose to focus on the National Democratic Party of Germany NPD , since it is the most active of the three big radical right-wing parties in Germany with regard to the discourse about Islam, despite being the smallest in terms of party members.

Due to the fact that Islamisation and fear of Islam have become crucial topics for the German public at large and in the media, they picked it up and were initially surprised themselves about the positive response among the population. The fact that they purport merely being a local patriotic and ultrademocratic movement makes them more successful at the grassroots level but also more dangerous than the old right-wing extremist parties since populism is used as a disguise for a right-wing protest movement against Islam in Germany.

Cities against Islamisation strongly opposes the institutionalization of Islam in Europe, which is said to hamper integration of the Muslim communities into Western society. The Congress, which is a demonstrative example of how the extreme right instrumentalizes the topic of fear of Islamism in its propaganda campaign, aroused much public and media attention. However, due to an enormous number of anti-right counter-protesters who blocked it, the event turned out to be a disaster for the organizers and had to be stopped.

This however did not discourage the populist parties from planning another conference the following year. The International Free Press Society, They regard the veiling of women in Islam as an offence to human dignity, which should not be tolerated in Germany. It is said to represent a regression into the Dark Ages and shows complete contempt for the activities of all defenders for human rights. The multicultural society, which in his eyes is a failure and dangerous for the German society, is said to be the ideal of Christianinfluenced atheist left-wing intellectuals.

Netz gegen Nazis, In particular referring to the growing Muslim population in Germany they argue: Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands, The NPD however argues that minarets are nothing more than ornaments and thus not necessary for religious practice. The motion on the minaret ban put forward by the far right party was opposed by all the other parties.

In the teachers and the school principal wrote an open letter to the Berlin Senate asking for the school to be closed down due to the complete breakdown of discipline caused by the enormous violence and aggressiveness among the students which rendered teaching almost impossible. Islam is furthermore not regarded a religion but a political means for cultural conquest and takeover of foreign territory; therefore the differentiation between Islam and Islamism that the moderate German political parties call for is considered as not necessary.

Public debates about Islam seem to be en vogue seeing that this religion presents an ideal target for criticism. Unlike many other religious minority groups in Germany, Muslims are thus confronted with an extraordinary lack of solidarity and support from the majority society, which often leads to unequal treatment of Islam compared to other religions. Complex processes of social segregation are thus simplified to religio-cultural conquest.

This changing power-relationship consequently stirs up fears about the impact immigration will have on the political and societal culture in Germany. It is important to note that religious and cultural arguments are frequently intermingled in the public debates about Islamic symbols. While before the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington in unsettling questions regarding Islam were generally rather avoided, since September 11, it has become more socially acceptable to challenge and criticize Muslims and Islam publicly.

I will focus on the five most important and controversial issues of contestation which have dominated the public discourse in recent years, namely the mosque building controversy, the headscarf debate, honour killings, homophobia among Muslim immigrants as well as Islamic religious education. The mosque building controversy While the religious freedom guaranteed by the Constitution includes the right of Muslim congregations to build mosques, thus placing them on a par with churches and synagogues by jurisdiction, protests by parts of the German population and activist groups against the construction of new mosques in German towns and communities have become more frequent in recent years.

However, when Muslim congregations leave their backyards and temporarily converted buildings factories, canteens etc. This often arouses fears and provokes reservations and hostile reactions among the local population. The desire to build a representative mosque with all its architectonical features including dome and minaret , which shows an invigorated selfconfidence of Muslims, often becomes the subject of dispute at a local level in towns and communities on the grounds of supposed traffic problems and parking problems due to the large influx of Muslim worshippers, as well as noise emission, size and location of the place Deutsche Islamkonferenz c: Recommendations of the German Islam Conference on mosque construction.

Many claim the building of mosques to be a demonstration of power by Muslims towards the Judaeo-Christian occidental society which is said to rather hinder integration than benefit it. Islam in Deutschland, pp.

Zur Neubestimmung des Kommunalen in Deutschland. On the other side, several hundred citizens as well as far-left counter-demonstrators voiced their support for the mosque construction and joined the heated debate about the Grand mosque. Yet, these measures were only set up after the protests had started, which could have been prevented through more transparency and inclusion of the local community in the project from the beginning. It was founded in , has its headquarters in Cologne and is directly linked to the Turkish Presidency of Religious Affairs in Ankara, therefore cannot be considered an independent Muslim umbrella organization.

The imams and religious teachers employed in the DITIB mosques are sent from Turkey for five or six years and then return there. Consequently they generally have very limited or no German language skills, which proves to be a handicap for the dialogue with the nonMuslim population living in the surroundings of the mosque and thus hamper the integration of the mosque community in the respective communal area cf.

In October the mosque was finally inaugurated but the conflict with the local residents still continues. The reason for this lies in the focus on transparency and dialogue of the cooperative mosque community which organized regular meetings for local non-Muslim citizens and community leaders where critical questions could be asked and fears and reservations openly expressed and discussed. Due to the peaceful construction period compared to other mosque building Ferda Ataman; Katharina Peters In order to enhance the dialogue with non-Muslim fellow citizens and give an insight into Muslim life in Germany up to 1, mosque communities all over Germany invite to mosque tours, podium discussions, bookstalls and folklore and answer questions about their religion and community activities cf.

Zentralrat der Muslime in Deutschland e. Tag der offenen Moschee. Despite the constitutional right to building Islamic places of worship including minarets, there are generally restrictions concerning their height which should not exceed that of the surrounding church towers in order to preserve the primacy of Christianity symbolically with regard to the cityscape.

According to a recent survey by the German news magazine Der Spiegel, 45 percent of the Germans would vote in favour of a minaret ban if a minaret referendum like in Switzerland was held in Germany. Islam und Recht, Band 4. Peter Lang GmbH, pp. Also in Germany one of the most complex and controversial issues of contestation in the public discourse about Islam is the still ongoing debate on the legitimacy of the Islamic headscarf in public institutions, in particular in state schools in Germany. Despite the fact that only a relatively small percentage of Muslim women in Germany are actually wearing a headscarf.

One of the fundamental questions posed in the debates about this controversial piece of clothing is: What does a headscarf actually stand for? The fact that many Germans automatically assume that they are forced to wear the headscarf results in many young Muslim women who wear it out of religious conviction feeling offended and upset.

The headscarf is often perceived as a symbol of oppression of women, which contradicts the Western ideal of emancipation and gender equality, and is consequently considered incompatible with the constitutional rights. The wearing of a veil by Muslim women employed in state schools typically raises concerns about state neutrality in matters of religion and worldview. The latter implies the fear of religious influence and ideological indoctrination of the pupils if Robert A. The issue of the religious headgear became extremely topical and controversial with actors from all parts of society getting involved in the discourse, including politicians, church representatives, the media, Islam critics as well as Muslim organizations.

As a civil servant, a teacher should therefore not be allowed to wear the religious headgear during class since it would breach the neutrality duty of the state and touch upon the negative religious freedom of the pupils. The judgment weighed freedom of religion against neutrality in schools, leaving the decision to the parliaments of the respective federal states, which are responsible for the school system, to adjust their laws to either generally allowing or generally forbidding teachers to wear religious garb if they find it necessary. The banning of headscarves thus has to be supported by state law.

Jewish kippa while banning the Islamic symbols. After this law was passed Ludin finally decided to give up her judicial struggle cf. Aufruf wider eine Lex Kopftuch, which was signed by a number of prominent women from across the political and cultural spectrum and mentions the diversity of meanings that the headscarf has in the German context.

In the aftermath they received numerous defamatory letters and even death threats from Islamists and were denigrated in Turkish newspapers. It was considered that the full body and face veil hampered communication between student and teacher, which is essential in a pedagogical relationship, and makes the identification of the completely veiled students very difficult. It is generally worn together with a headscarf and a full-body cloak cf.

In the case of the two Muslim girls in Bonn, the media had previously mistakenly reported that they had worn a burqa. Due to the resemblance of niqab and burqa the two types of veils are hard to distinguish by non-Muslims and are therefore often used interchangeably in the public discourse. Among these critics is the above-mentioned controversial SPD politician Thilo Sarrazin who considers the headscarf a political and not a religious symbol, which has no place in German class rooms. She accused those who force little girls to wear a headscarf of abusing religious freedom. It is however still operating today cf.

Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, The girl who returned to the school had not even worn a headscarf before she came to school in a niqab. IGMG , Justizminister fordert generelles Kopftuchverbot 61 The Public Discourse about Islam in Germany From the examples discussed it becomes clear that the Islamic headscarf has undoubtedly become more contested over the past years, but the headscarf debate has as yet not resulted in a general ban on veils in Germany.

It can be noted that the German public opinion in the headscarf debate is far from unified and so is the policy reaction to the religious headgear.

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The last word in the headscarf debate has not been spoken yet and it is very likely that the debates will re-emerge in the future due the continuously growing number of teachers of Muslim faith including many German converts , amongst whom many will most likely be fighting for their right to teach wearing a headscarf in public educational institutions.

The so-called honour killings also occur in Germany among immigrant communities, mainly in big metropolitan areas and in large cities with a high Muslim population. According to an inquiry of the Federal Criminal Police Office Bundeskriminalamt on honour-related crimes in Germany, 55 cases of suspected honour killings including attempted murders have been recorded between January and July , of which 48 had female victims.

Despite protests and much debate by the German public the killings unfortunately continue at the same rate. It has been common for many years but used to be considered a taboo subject for a long time leading to a lack of awareness among the German public. Cases of honour-related murder and violence have recently started to become increasingly visible and prompt questions about gender inequality among Muslims and the lack of integration of Muslim immigrant women in the German society.

The topic is often instrumentalised by segments of the majority society, politics as well as the media to encourage prejudices against Muslim migrants and attribute violence as well as gender inequality misleadingly to specific ethnic minorities. At the same time they create the impression that mainly females with migration background from Islamic countries are victims of domestic violence and that accordingly most Muslim men are perpetrators of domestic violence. Furthermore, honour killings of Muslim women from Germany which are committed outside the country are not listed in the German police records.

Therefore she was sent back to Turkey and forced to marry her cousin at the age of sixteen. In Germany she rebuilt her life, obtained her high school diploma and started a vocational training. The acts of violence against women are said to be based on deep-rooted traditions from backward regions in Turkey. Morsal was ambushed in a parking lot by her older brother Ahmad, who stabbed her twenty times. In recent years the problem of homophobia among young men from Muslim immigrant communities has attracted increased public attention as it Barbara Hans They are said to be disproportionately strongly involved in homophobically motivated hate crimes and verbal attacks.

However, since many cases of antihomosexual assaults remain unreported the number is estimated to be even higher. Their co-existence is thus frequently characterised by violent conflicts. As a consequence homosexuals feel increasingly threatened and are afraid to manifest their homosexuality openly.

Therefore Muslim teenagers see homosexuals as a decadent and unmanly negative spin-off of Bernd Simon Lesbian News, January , Vol. Lesben- und Schwulenverband in Deutschland Berlin-Brandenburg e. Apart from the Islamic fundamentalist moral concepts concerning homosexuality, another contributing factor to the homophobic attitudes are the patriarchal and authoritarian family structures and values the young men grow up with in the Muslim communities, which attribute a major importance to family honour and manliness and consider same-sex relationships as inferior and unmanly, hence forbidden.

Moreover, the taboo on the subject leads homosexuals to the feeling of being defenselessly exposed to discrimination and violence which often results in anti-Islamic resentments. Web page Acecssed In order to support her argumentation she refers to statements made by the former spiritual leader of the Ahmadiyya, Hazrat Mirza Tahir Ahmad, about the higher visibility of homosexuality in the West which is allegedly connected to the consumption of pork meat.

Chairman Alexander Zinn warned that even though homosexuality is considered as decadent, sinful or as a disease in many religions, it becomes dangerous however, if religious fanatics use it for propaganda against gays and lesbians. However, despite all criticism the Ahmadiyya community defended and reconfirmed its controversial claim. According to article 7, paragraph 3 the German Constitution guarantees religious education as a regular subject in public schools, with all confessional courses being subject to free choice of the pupils.

Therefore Islamic religious instruction is considered to be one of the key issues with regard to integration of Muslim immigrants in Germany. Due to the direct influence of the Turkish state the DITIB for instance had a rather reluctant attitude regarding Islamic religious education in German language as it was maintained that Turkish Islam can only be correctly conveyed in Turkish language. The language problem thus constitutes another contentious point in the public debate as the state has defined German as the official language of instruction.

Pilot projects for Islamic education have been running for some years now in several German federal states on a trial basis, mostly in Western Germany as they have a considerably higher Muslim population. So far there has been no consistent approach by the federal states with regard to Islamic religious instruction since education matters are decided on a regional level.

It is however the stated aim of the various federal state governments to introduce Islamic religious instruction as a regular part of the school curriculum in the long term. The experiment proved highly successful among the Muslim pupils and was welcomed by Muslim parents wherever it has been made available. Appropriate dialogue partners however are the prerequisite for defining the theological principles on which the curriculum of Islamic religious instruction within the German education system will be based, which has so far been mostly done without the inclusion of representatives from Muslim groups.

This proves to be rather problematic considering the denominational plurality of Islam and taking into account that the majority of the Muslims living in Germany are not members of any of the Muslim umbrella associations in the country with whom the state could arrange these matters. Irka-Christin Mohr; Michael Kiefer eds. Bundesministerium des Innern b: This contributes to fuelling fears and prejudices among the non-Muslim population regarding the introduction of Islamic religious instruction in public schools.

This religious education, taught in German language, is intended to act as a counterbalance to the traditional unsupervised afternoon Koran schools of the Islamic congregations, in which classes are mostly conducted in Arabic or Turkish and are separated by gender, and which are often publicly suspected of having a fundamentalist approach, imparting and encouraging anticonstitutional values and anti-integrative concepts. She also argues that those passages inhibit the moral evolution of the people living under the guidance of the holy book.

She criticizes them for two reasons. As one of the most vocal spokesmen for that moderate approach she refers to the well-known Muslim scholar Tariq Ramadan In his reply Ramadan gave a defence of his position that seems characteristic of a widely dispersed attitude towards religious criticism among contemporary intellectuals, even those critics who are willing to advocate reform within the Islamic tradition. Here we have an important difference with the secularist approach.

Let us hear what Ramadan has to say. What kind of message does she [Hirsi Ali] exactly want to convey by quoting a verse referring to corporal punishment? That Islam, per se, is advocating violence?

Massa Confusa und der Tote am Pulversee (Dadord in Frangn 1) (German Edition)

That violent Muslims or the so-called Islamic governments acting undemocratically are in fact genuinely implementing the Islamic message? Through her text, the message becomes clear: I will not enter into this subject and only comment on what he writes in response to Hirsi Ali in the newspaper article indicated before. See on the discussion on Ramadan in general: The islamist, the journalist, and the defense of liberalism.

The New Republic, 4 June: That is what she wants to say. This is also the message of critics of Islamism with a similar approach: Djavann, Ahadi and Nasreen. To determine whether they are right we have to pose the question whether Sura What if any is the direct or indirect impact of Sura Ramadan does not address that question unswervingly. Instead he directs the attention away from Islam. In an elaboration of the passage quoted before he writes: Would it not be possible to quote here tens of passages from the Bhagavad Gita, the Torah, the Gospels and the Epistles that are violent without reaching the conclusion that Hinduism, Judaism or Christianity are violent per se?

Is it difficult to understand that this is a question of interpretation and that to condemn in such a way a religion, by its very essence, is not only unjust but deeply counterproductive? It does not help the inner dynamic of reforms Ramadan, That necessitates two questions.

Would it be possible, for instance, to quote from the Gospels, as Ramadan explicitly contends, passages from which it appears that Jesus Christ is in favour of the same harsh punishments as indicated in Sura On this point Ramadan does not provide examples but supposes this to be the case. One may doubt whether it is possible to provide examples from the Gospels that are similar to the one quoted from the Koran, but that it would be able to quote those passages from the Old Testament seems clear see for e.

The most important question, however, is something else. It has to do with the relevance of his response.

The fact that other religions prescribe violent behaviour as well as Islam does, does not exonerate Islam. What Ramadan seems to do is accuse Hirsi Ali of selective indignation. His message seems to be: If the whole discussion could have been ignited on occasion of an imminent flogging of a Jewish woman in Israel convicted in a Jewish Court, the whole discussion should focus on the Old Testament and whether the Israeli judges could have been influenced by passages Cliteur from Deuteronomy or other notorious examples of violent texts in the Old Testament.

But this was not the case. Scriptural passages advocating violence that are not heeded by believers in the twenty-first century because they are considered to be some kind of poetry give us less cause to worry. This second point is only made in passing in the first quote from his article, more by way of suggestion than explicit argumentation. This may seem a trifling distinction but in fact it is very important indeed. Hirsi Ali is indicted of playing a false game: But so long as this has not been done, it seems justified not to adopt that notion.

The empiricist of religion will say: A religion is what is written about that religion in the book and what the believers act upon. The metaphysical approach of religion has to be rejected. As a matter of fact, these distinctions Feminist Theology 19 2 are not specifically mine.

They are made and held by writers like Ramadan himself, although unconsciously and without an idea of their dubious character. As we have seen before, Irshad Manji is very sanguine about this and the same is true of Tariq Ramadan. They seem both to be under the spell of the postmodern conviction that Scripture has no authority over us in the sense that we are not forced to a certain interpretation on behalf of the content of the text. This textual relativism is intimately related to a more general form of relativism see, Scruton, At the end of the nineteenth century Nietzsche criticized positivism.

It may safely be said that these words have had a disastrous influence: It led people to believe that words can mean anything we want them to mean. The point that Ramadan makes with regard to interpretation is also made for translation. Anyone who has discussed scriptural authority with believers and unbelievers alike knows that many of them, if confronted with violent texts from their revelatory sources, react with the contention that the violent character of the text is only superficially there. Usually that remark is followed by the good advice of the believer to look for a more reliable translation.

And, of course, translations matter. The text that Hirsi Ali and Ramadan refer to in their exchange of views can be translated in different ways. This notorious Sura The adulterer and the adulteress shall each be given a hundred lashes. Let no pity for them cause you to disobey God, if you truly believe in God and the Last Day; and let their punishment be witnessed by a number of believers The Koran, tr.

Cliteur This translation is slightly different from the one quoted by Hirsi Ali. But does that help the apologists of religion? The answer is clearly negative. The differences between the translation of Dawood and the one used by Hirsi Ali and Ramadan are marginal, as we can see, and that may be expected when we remember that many scholars have carefully thought about those translations.

So what could help the apologist of religion with regard to Sura Even a provisional glance over the text makes that improbable. According to the Concise Oxford Dictionary adultery means: Because in this case there is no mention of sexual intercourse, there is no adultery, so it seems. So the Saudi judges gave the wrong interpretation to Sura Would that help us out of this quandary? First, we have to remember that what we have done with the passage in Sura The Concise Oxford Dictionary simply follows contemporary semantic meaning.

It is also very different from what people meant in the time and the culture which established the text of the Koran. Because there is not much fantasy needed to change the situation a little to see what I mean. Suppose the Saudi woman did indeed have sexual intercourse with the man in the car: Would that make our opposition to the text less urgent? The answer is clear: The problem is the text itself. Moderates are inclined to deny this.

Ich habe abgeschworen

Therefore they never do what should be done to remedy our problems: We may also put it thus. The problem is a the content of the text itself and b the attitude of the people who think that they should follow ancient texts. Wrestling Islam From the Extremists. Ahadi M mit Sina Vogt Ich habe abgeschworen: Ates S Grosse Reisse ins Feuer: Ates S De Multikulti-Irrtum: Berman P Who is afraid of Tariq Ramadan? Bousakla M Couscous met frieten.

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